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The report 'De la cuna a la tumba' (From Cradle to Grave) details how fossil fuel production and use cause systemic health damage across all human life stages, from fetal development to old age. It highlights the disproportionate burden on marginalized communities and indigenous peoples, who often live in 'sacrifice zones.' The document maps specific health risks associated with extraction, refining, transport, and combustion, while also addressing the social disruptions and human rights violations linked to the industry. It concludes with a set of policy recommendations to end fossil fuel exploration, eliminate subsidies, and internalize health costs under the 'polluter pays' principle to achieve a just energy transition.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance calls for a universal climate agreement that prioritizes health, urging governments to phase out coal and fossil fuel subsidies while integrating health impact assessments into national climate planning. The document highlights that tackling climate change is a major global health opportunity, with the potential to prevent millions of premature deaths through emissions reductions and the transition to renewable energy.

The document argues that integrating public health and equity into climate policy can broaden political support and save lives, estimating that low-carbon policies could avoid 1 million American deaths annually. It proposes a roadmap of legislative and agency actions, including banning natural gas expansion, transitioning to regenerative agriculture, and electrifying public transit, to align the U.S. with the Paris Agreement's 1.5C target. The brief emphasizes that health co-benefits could offset 10% to 41% of U.S. mitigation costs.

The paper argues that Canada should move beyond textbook definitions of fossil fuel subsidies to evaluate policies based on their consistency with a low-carbon transition, value for money, employment outcomes, and policy fit. It highlights that public investment in long-lived fossil fuel assets now carries significant risk of becoming stranded as global demand for coal, oil, and gas inevitably declines. The authors recommend that Canadian governments pivot economic strategies toward transition-consistent business lines and prioritize the reform of new or highly obstructive measures, such as British Columbia's support for oil, gas, and coal development.

Saskatchewan faces significant economic risks due to its reliance on oil and gas, with 6% of its workforce in transition-vulnerable sectors. While the province has strengths in agricultural technology, critical minerals, and renewable energy potential, it lags behind other Canadian provinces in attracting transition-consistent investment. Growth is concentrated in Saskatoon and Regina, primarily within ag-tech and alternative proteins. Barriers to scaling include a lack of early-stage policy support, low R&D funding, and continued subsidies for fossil fuels, which create uncertainty for clean-tech investors.

Saskatchewan faces significant economic risks due to its heavy reliance on the oil and gas sector, which generated 16% of its provincial GDP in 2019. While the province possesses strong competitive advantages in wind, solar, and critical minerals, it lags behind other Canadian provinces in attracting transition-related investments. Most current growth is concentrated in agtech and alternative proteins, while public and private funding for broader research and development remains limited. The report highlights a critical need for more ambitious climate policies and better support for workforce transition, particularly in small communities like Coronach, to avoid severe economic decline.

Indonesia faces significant structural barriers to achieving net-zero emissions by 2060, including an unstable policy environment, inconsistent signals regarding fossil fuel subsidies, and a lack of coordinated strategy across sectors. The country requires approximately $200 billion annually for its climate agenda, yet domestic public budget contributions from 20152020 averaged only $4.5 billion. To address these gaps, the briefing suggests three key interventions: the use of blended finance to de-risk renewable energy projects like geothermal power, the operationalization of 'Just Transition' principles through the Indonesia Just Energy Transition Partnership (INO-JETP), and the implementation of multi-level coordination mechanisms to engage sub-national governments and standardize greenhouse gas reporting.

The document examines Azerbaijan's transition from a fossil-fuel-dependent economy to one incorporating renewable energy, highlighting the role of COP29 as a catalyst for climate ambition. It identifies key risks, such as the economic reliance on oil rents and the potential for renewables to merely supplement rather than replace hydrocarbons. The author recommends developing a targeted energy transition strategy, protecting vulnerable groups from subsidy removals, and increasing private sector competition to ensure a just and sustainable transition.

The document analyzes Brazil's unique energy landscape, where a predominantly renewable electricity mix coexists with a significant reliance on petroleum for transport and a growing oil production sector. It highlights the tension between the government's climate commitments and its plans to expand oil production, particularly in the Equatorial Margin. The briefing suggests that Brazil can leverage its G20 and COP30 leadership to promote the reduction of fossil fuel subsidies and use oil revenues to fund green innovation and forest conservation, while recommending the introduction of an upstream carbon tax to manage environmental externalities.

The briefing argues that while the transition away from fossil fuels is accelerating due to economic costs, clean energy opportunities, and geopolitical drivers, significant gaps remain in production and emissions. It highlights the vulnerability of fossil-fuel-dependent nations and the need for a 'globally just transition' supported by redirected finance, debt relief, and stronger governance to avoid economic disruption and systemic financial risks.

The document provides a landscape analysis of the global bioeconomy, estimated at US$4-5 trillion with potential growth to US$30 trillion by 2050. It categorizes the bioeconomy into a spectrum—Nature Intensive, Advanced, and High-Tech—and identifies specific financing gaps and risks for each. The report argues that scaling the bioeconomy requires an 'integrated' approach combining national strategies, international cooperation (particularly through the G20), and a mix of sustainable finance instruments such as nature credits, blended finance, and performance-linked sovereign debt.

The Ouarzazate I project is a 160MW CSP plant costing USD 1.3 billion, utilizing a public-private partnership (PPP) to bridge the competitiveness gap between CSP and cheaper carbon-intensive energy. The project's viability relies on five key building blocks: strong public support via the Moroccan Agency for Solar Energy (MASEN), approximately USD 1 billion in concessional financing from International Financial Institutions (IFIs) which reduced levelized costs by 25-30%, coordinated donor engagement, a risk allocation framework where the private developer bears construction/operational risk while the Government of Morocco bears revenue risk, and the application of lessons from previous CSP projects. While successful in its startup phase, the authors argue that long-term scalability in the MENA region will require further reductions in technology costs, the phasing out of fossil-fuel subsidies, and the establishment of renewable power exports to European markets through bilateral agreements and physical interconnector investments.

The document provides a framework for governments to assess how climate policies affect national budgets, focusing on the production side of fossil fuels and infrastructure. It details a five-step methodology: establishing a base case, developing scenarios, assessing policy impacts, allocating value between consumers and producers, and splitting value between government and commercial entities. The report applies this to Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Egypt, highlighting that oil assets are most sensitive to global demand shifts, while coal and gas are more influenced by regional dynamics and infrastructure. It recommends that governments reduce upfront capital commitments, adapt tax regimes, and diversify into low-carbon technologies to mitigate the risk of stranded assets.

The report argues that while the EU ETS has halved emissions in key sectors, it remains structurally oversupplied and hampered by free allocation subsidies. It advocates for the total elimination of free allowances, the expansion of the system to cover all international aviation and shipping, and the rejection of carbon offsets and removals. The document emphasizes that the Market Stability Reserve (MSR) must be preserved to maintain a strong carbon price signal and that revenues should be redirected from fossil fuel subsidies toward a 'people first' transition.

The signatories support improving demand information and early auctions for ETS2 to increase credibility and investment. However, they oppose weakening MSR2 release conditions or extending its lifetime, arguing these measures would increase total emissions and undermine EU climate targets and the Effort Sharing Regulation. Instead, they advocate for complementary policies to reduce emissions demand, such as clean technology subsidies and the fair distribution of revenues via the Social Climate Fund.

The document argues against a proposed one-year postponement of ETS2, stating it would delay climate action and cost Member States €50 billion in lost auction revenues. The signatories call for the Social Climate Fund to begin in full-size in 2026, the application of its spending principles to the Frontloading Facility, and the submission of ambitious Social Climate Plans by Member States, specifically mentioning Denmark, France, and Germany. They further propose uncapping the fund, linking it to actual carbon revenues, and extending it beyond 2032 to support vulnerable households and micro-enterprises.

The document is an open letter addressed to ministers and UNFCCC representatives during COP-19. Signed by 33 civil society networks and individuals from 87 countries, it argues that carbon markets must not compromise the ambition of climate mitigation efforts. The authors call for a comprehensive climate agreement by 2015, specifically demanding the rejection of pilot phase trading under the Diversified Framework Approach (FVA), the removal of non-additional projects and coal power from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and the establishment of international verification to prevent double counting.

The report finds that a significant portion of Donald Trump's 2016 voters hold views on climate change that diverge from his public positions. Nearly half believe global warming is happening, and many support international agreements, carbon taxes, and renewable energy deployment, despite also supporting fossil fuel extraction on public lands.

The report finds that a significant portion of Trump voters believe global warming is happening and support various climate-friendly policies, including the Paris agreement and renewable energy expansion, despite the candidate's public skepticism.

The document presents a series of quotes from representatives of Earthjustice, the Montana Sierra Club, and local community groups opposing proposed legislative changes to coal leasing. The critics argue that the provisions would reduce royalty rates for the government, fast-track permits by removing public comment opportunities, and provide a 'giveaway' to the coal industry while exacerbating water pollution, air pollution, and public health risks, particularly in Montana.