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The report analyzes diverse resource management models—ranging from sovereign wealth funds in Norway to ecosystem service payments in Costa Rica—to derive a framework for benefit sharing. It emphasizes that successful long-term outcomes require clear leadership, strong legislative frameworks, institutional mechanisms for implementation, and the active inclusion of Indigenous populations in decision-making. The document contrasts successful models, such as Norway's GPFG, with cautionary examples like Alberta's Heritage Savings Trust Fund and Nigeria's oil sector, highlighting the risks of overreliance on non-renewable resources without strategic diversification and robust legal safeguards.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The document examines Angola's FDI landscape, noting that while the 2015 Private Investment Law (PIL-3) simplifies procedures and removes minimum investment thresholds, systemic issues like corruption, poor infrastructure, and weak institutional capacity continue to deter investment outside the oil and mineral sectors. It highlights a concerning trend of negative net FDI flows and Angola's relative isolation from SADC regional economic integration, while identifying the Lobito Transport Corridor as a strategic asset for future growth.

The document outlines a study on the participation of South Africa and the SACU region in global value chains (GVCs), identifying them as a mechanism for expanding non-commodity exports and increasing manufacturing value addition. It proposes policy interventions focused on improving trade and transport infrastructure, reducing cross-border barriers, closing technical skills gaps, and enhancing regional institutional coordination to create a 'factory Southern Africa'.

The document examines Botswana's CBNRM policy, which aims to reduce poverty and promote biodiversity by involving local communities in wildlife management. It highlights the tension between centralised state control and local devolution, the financial impact of the 2014 hunting moratorium, and the role of joint venture partnerships with private operators. Through case studies of the Chobe Enclave Conservation Trust (CECT) and the Okavango Community Trust (OCT), the paper identifies issues with revenue transparency, human-wildlife conflict, and limited local capacity, ultimately recommending improved governance, diversified economic activities, and stronger legislative support.

The document assesses the adoption of green growth and green economy principles by local government in Zambia, arguing that economic diversification and investment in carbon-free research are essential for success.

The text examines the 'resource curse', where mineral wealth leads to corruption and conflict rather than prosperity. It highlights the role of 'conflict minerals' in funding insurgencies in regions like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Afghanistan. The author argues that while national governance is primary, industrialized nations must implement binding transparency regulations—such as the OECD guidelines—to prevent human rights abuses and ensure resource extraction supports sustainable development.

The report examines Botswana's regional diplomacy from independence to 2015, highlighting a shift from the 'quiet diplomacy' of Presidents Masire and Mogae to the more outspoken, principle-driven approach of President Ian Khama. It analyzes the institutional framework of Botswana's foreign policy, the influence of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), and the country's pivotal role in the creation of SADC. The author argues that Botswana's foreign policy has been heavily shaped by presidential personalities and suggests the need for a structured national consensus on foreign policy interests.

The paper argues that South Africa has failed to translate its mineral wealth into inclusive growth due to a combination of historical structural inadequacies, policy incoherence, and rent-seeking by political elites. While the country shows symptoms of 'Dutch disease', the author finds this inadequate to explain manufacturing decline, which is instead attributed to import penetration and a lack of 'nearby' capabilities in the product space. The document strongly critiques the government's focus on downstream beneficiation—forcing mining companies to subsidise local processing—as economically inefficient and potentially harmful to investment. Instead, it advocates for developing upstream linkages and technology-laden capital equipment. Furthermore, it highlights how mineral rents continue to benefit politically connected insiders and traditional leaders through the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) deals, often at the expense of rural communities.

The document details how FoE Timor Leste/Haburas partnered with local communities to establish eco-lodges and tourism operations. The Tutuala project has hosted over 4,000 tourists and generated funds for education and living standards. This model has since been replicated in Maubisse and Laloran, promoting skill acquisition in areas such as financial management and environmental management. The author recommends that the government prioritize community-based ecotourism as a non-fossil fuel sector in its national strategic development plan.

Botswana faces a critical need to diversify its economy due to expected declines in diamond revenues. The report evaluates the viability of exporting coal via the proposed Trans-Kalahari Railway (TKR) and extracting iron ore near the Okavango Delta. It concludes that raw coal exports are risky due to high infrastructure costs and a narrowing global demand window. Instead, it recommends using coal and iron ore for domestic beneficiation to create a regional steel industry in Selebi-Phikwe and prioritising eco-tourism as a sustainable primary revenue generator.

Botswana faces a critical juncture as diamond revenues decline, threatening its historical economic growth and political stability. The document argues that the country must diversify its economy, moving away from exhaustible resources. While coal and iron ore could provide temporary revenue, the author recommends prioritising eco-tourism as a sustainable long-term economic anchor. This transition requires significant investment in human and physical capital, using remaining diamond rents to build a skilled workforce and necessary infrastructure.

The document examines the paradox of resource-led growth in sub-Saharan Africa, where windfall revenues from minerals and hydrocarbons often correlate with declining governance and institutional quality. It highlights the negative externalities of extraction and the role of foreign investment in shaping 'elite bargains' between political and business leaders. The author argues that for resource wealth to foster sustainable development, research must focus on reducing commodity concentration, improving institutional accountability, and balancing the trade-offs between extractive growth and climate change mitigation.

The paper examines the potential for mining to coexist with environmental preservation in Botswana's Okavango Delta. It highlights the economic pressure on Botswana to diversify away from declining diamond revenues by utilizing iron-ore, copper, and coal deposits. While acknowledging the environmental risks to the Delta—which is also threatened by upstream irrigation in Angola and Namibia, population growth, and poaching—the author suggests that mining companies can be allies in conservation. This is supported by the reputational risks associated with the Delta's World Heritage status and the regulatory oversight of the Toronto Stock Exchange and the International Finance Corporation. The document advocates for a governance model based on cooperation, land-use planning, and community engagement to ensure mining provides the capital and employment necessary to sustain the region's long-term ecological and tourism value.

The research examines the potential for a 'resource curse' in four African nations soon to become oil-dependent. Using a game-theoretic model and the concept of 'limited access orders,' the author argues that oil rents typically disrupt political incentives, undermining economic performance and potentially destabilizing the state. While Ghana is identified as a potential exception due to its robust democracy and lower projected oil-to-tax revenue ratio, the other cases show higher risks of repression or predatory behavior. The paper concludes that radical policy interventions like 'cash-to-citizen' transfers are implausible because they ignore the domestic political equilibria and patronage networks that maintain stability.

The paper finds that Nigeria's trade with BRICS is heavily skewed toward crude oil exports and manufactured imports, with China and South Africa playing the most significant roles in driving Nigerian GDP growth through imports and exports, respectively.

The analysis reveals a significant increase in trade between Ethiopia and BRICS, particularly with China and India, though the relationship remains characterized by a 'North-South' pattern. Ethiopia primarily exports primary products and crude materials while importing manufactured goods and machinery. While there are signs of diversification in the leather industry, the paper argues that Ethiopia must prioritize commodity-based transformation and value chain development to maximize the benefits of its trade with BRICS.

The document examines the relationship between mining and development in Africa, using South Africa as a primary case study. It argues that the 'resource curse' is not deterministic and that the quality of development depends on the strength and nature of a country's institutions. In South Africa, the author identifies failures in policy stability, legislative clarity, and labour relations as key barriers to growth. The briefing recommends that African governments prioritize legislative clarity over executive discretion, integrate labour and mining policies through mechanisms like profit-sharing, and build trust between the state, business, and labour to ensure sustainable economic diversification.

The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

The report examines Greenland's approach to sustainable development amidst rising international interest in its petroleum, minerals, and rare earth resources. While it praises the adoption of 'best-in-class' environmental and social impact assessments, it warns of gaps in emergency preparedness, dispute resolution, and the potential for a 'two-tier wage system' for migrant workers. The authors argue that Greenland must diversify its economy beyond extractives and improve its capacity to negotiate with powerful global investors to avoid the 'natural resource curse'.