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The document highlights that the steel industry contributes nearly 10 percent of global carbon emissions and 17 percent of China's emissions, positioning clean hydrogen-based steelmaking as a potential zero-carbon solution. It notes that while Europe provides government funding across various project stages, China focuses on high-level policies for R&D, alliances, and capacity replacement.

Zimbabwe's Initial Adaptation Communication aims to highlight adaptation progress and reduce socio-economic vulnerability to climate change. It is intended to facilitate resource mobilisation for resilience-building interventions as the country finalises its National Adaptation Plan by the end of 2022, ensuring alignment with national climate policy frameworks.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2023 finds that none of the 60 largest emitters are on a 1.5°C pathway, leaving the top three ranks unoccupied. Denmark is the current frontrunner, leading in almost all categories, while China and the US are categorized as 'very low' performers. The report highlights a wide disparity in performance among EU countries and identifies Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Kazakhstan as the worst overall performers due to heavy oil reliance and weak renewable energy adoption.

The document argues that coal mine methane (CMM) is a critical but underreported driver of emissions in New South Wales, accounting for over 90% of the state's energy sector methane emissions. Ember proposes two new pillars for the NSW EPA's Action Plan: 'Inform and Plan' and 'Mitigate'. The 'Inform and Plan' pillar suggests collaborating with international initiatives like the International Methane Emissions Observatory and implementing high-tier IPCC measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) methodologies to address reporting gaps. The 'Mitigate' pillar recommends a 75% reduction target for methane emissions by 2030, the closure of 'gassy' thermal coal mines, and a commitment to no new coal mines or expansions. The report highlights that current reporting may be significantly underestimated, citing IEA estimates that Australia's reported CMM emissions could be missing 800 thousand tonnes.

The document argues that the EU faces a 'policy vacuum' regarding methane emissions from livestock farming, which accounts for 53% of the EU's anthropogenic methane. While the Global Methane Pledge targets a 30% reduction by 2030, business-as-usual projections suggest livestock methane will only drop by 3.7%. The report identifies failures in the Common Agriculture Policy (CAP) and the Effort Sharing Regulation, and highlights the undue influence of the agri-food lobby on the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED). It concludes that shifting to healthier diets offers the highest potential for reductions and calls for a specific 2030 methane reduction target.

The authors argue that current climate proposals lack the transformative systemic change necessary to address the climate crisis. By identifying synergistic policies and programs associated with ecosocialism and degrowth, the paper aims to provide a set of specific strategies that can be promoted to challenge status quo interests and minimize warming, even if the terms 'ecosocialism' and 'degrowth' are avoided due to associated stigmas.

The report finds that four major German asset managers, managing over €2.3 trillion, continue to invest in companies with significant fossil fuel expansion plans, holding nearly US$ 13 billion in the world's worst polluters as of September 2022 without adequate policies to limit this support.

The Institute for Policy Integrity asserts that the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) is incorrectly relying on a 2009 D.C. Circuit case, Center for Biological Diversity v. Department of the Interior (CBD), to claim it cannot consider downstream greenhouse gas emissions in its 2023–2028 leasing program. The brief argues that while CBD established that the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (OCSLA) does not require such consideration, it does not prohibit it, and that considering these effects aligns with OCSLA's text, legislative history, and regulatory history.

The document analyzes global oil demand scenarios from the IEA and CER, concluding that climate policies and technological shifts—particularly in road transport—will lead to a permanent decline in oil demand starting before 2030. It highlights that road transport, the largest consumer of oil at 44%, is seeing an exponential shift toward electric vehicles. Other sectors, including buildings, power, aviation, shipping, and plastics, are also expected to contribute to demand destruction, though at different paces. The brief asserts that Canada must prepare for this structural decline to ensure economic resilience.

The document analyzes global oil demand scenarios from the IEA and CER, concluding that structural shifts in road transport and increasing climate policies will lead to a permanent decline in oil demand starting before 2030. It highlights that while road transport is the primary driver, other sectors like plastics, aviation, and shipping will also contribute to demand destruction in the medium term, creating a shrinking market for Canadian oil producers.

The study finds that the Swedish finance sector is cautious regarding risk and unlikely to lead sustainability transitions without significant government intervention, such as CO2 taxes or risk-mitigation mechanisms.

A survey of over 6,000 respondents in France, Germany, Italy, and Poland reveals strong public support (90% or higher) for regulating methane leaks and equipment standards in the oil and gas industry, including for EU suppliers. While 68% of respondents recognize that atmospheric methane concentrations are increasing and 62% view it as a major climate problem, there is significant confusion regarding the composition of natural gas, with only 42% knowing methane is its largest component. Word associations vary by country; for instance, in Italy, methane and natural gas are viewed as synonyms and are not strongly associated with greenhouse gases.

The document examines the process and impact of an economic study in Uganda that found the cost of inaction on climate change to be 20–24 times higher than the cost of adaptation. This evidence facilitated the integration of climate change into national development plans (NDP II and NDP III), the elevation of the Climate Change Unit to a Department, and the passage of the National Climate Change Act 2021. Key success factors included continuous engagement with high-level leadership, an in-country presence, and the use of layered communication products like documentary films. However, challenges remain in sub-national implementation and the lack of dedicated climate budget lines in the national budgeting system.

The research examines the distribution of pro-climate lobbying groups in the US using 2017 data. It identifies a 'threefold climate advocacy gap,' noting that pro-climate representation is low relative to other energy interest groups, in Republican-leaning states, and in states with high total carbon emissions.

The document warns that the progress made on climate policy under Boris Johnson may be at risk during the Conservative leadership contest. It identifies 'Backbone Conservatives' as a key target audience for candidates who might 'soften their stance on climate' to secure support from the right wing of the party.

The research by CSSN Scholars Fergus Green and Noel Healy asserts that socioeconomic inequalities actively fuel climate change by driving emissions-intensive production and consumption, enabling wealthy elites to obstruct policy, and weakening public support for collective action. The authors argue that integrating carbon-centric policies into a broader program of social, economic, and democratic reforms—such as those found in Green New Deal proposals—addresses these causal mechanisms and enables more effective political strategies for decarbonization.

The briefing identifies an opportunity for climate policy communicators to leverage public perceptions of corporate greed among 'Loyal Nationals' and 'Disengaged Battlers' to combat right-leaning news efforts to derail support for the windfall tax on oil and gas companies. It suggests this framing can be used to fight anti-Net Zero rhetoric and inform the design and communication of future climate policies.

The Clean Air Task Force asserts that the EPA's authority to regulate greenhouse gases remains intact following the West Virginia v. EPA decision, specifically regarding at-the-source technological controls for methane. The author advocates for a 65% reduction in methane emissions from the US oil and gas sector through measures such as frequent leak detection and repair (LDAR) inspections and a ban on routine flaring of associated gas.

The Supreme Court's ruling in West Virginia v. EPA limits the EPA's ability to use 'generation shifting' as a basis for emission standards but preserves the agency's authority to mandate specific pollution control technologies. The decision also expands the 'major questions doctrine,' which may hinder federal agencies from addressing novel environmental problems without explicit congressional authorization.

The document analyzes green public procurement (GPP) in Sweden and the Netherlands, focusing on the high-emission road transport and construction sectors. While both countries utilize GPP, the Netherlands employs more centralized, nationally developed tools and databases, whereas Sweden's approach is more decentralized. Key barriers in both nations include a lack of human resources, insufficient contract follow-up, and a need for better public-private dialogue. The briefing suggests that while GPP is widely practiced, more systematic implementation and standardized data reporting are required to meet national and EU climate objectives.