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The Union of Concerned Scientists recommends strategic investments in USDA conservation programs, agricultural research, and debt relief for underserved producers to help the US reach its 2030 and 2050 climate goals. Key recommendations include $4 billion for the Conservation Stewardship Program (CSP) and $9 billion for the Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP), both of which are currently oversubscribed. The brief also calls for $500 million each for SARE and AFRI to address research gaps in agroecology and systems science, $50 million for USDA Climate Hubs, and at least $200 million for Conservation Technical Assistance to support the adoption of climate-beneficial practices.

The introduction outlines the development of eight principles to improve the media representation of Indigenous Peoples in Central and South America. It warns against the risks of sensationalism and stereotyping in climate crisis narratives and emphasizes the need for Indigenous self-determination in how their environmental and cultural priorities are communicated.

The report warns that South Africa is on a 'worst-case' climate trajectory (RCP 8.5), which will lead to extreme heat, water scarcity, and food insecurity, disproportionately harming youth. It details regional collapses in agriculture and tourism, the expansion of informal settlements due to climate-induced migration, and the severe mental health trauma facing children. The author argues that without a rapid phase-out of fossil fuels, large parts of the country may become uninhabitable, leading to systemic social conflict and economic collapse.

The Canadian Climate Institute acknowledges that systemic injustices from colonization and discrimination make certain groups more vulnerable to climate change and policy impacts. To address this, the Institute commits to increasing the representation of underrepresented groups within its organization and research, integrating diverse perspectives into its work, and supporting Indigenous rights and self-determination.

The Canadian Climate Institute acknowledges that historical colonization and discrimination have left marginalized groups—including Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour, lower-income individuals, 2SLGBTQQIA+ people, and people with disabilities—more vulnerable to climate change and under-represented in policy development. To address this, the Institute commits to improving its internal hiring and culture, integrating diverse worldviews into its research, supporting Indigenous rights and self-determination, and encouraging partners to adopt similar equity practices.

The document outlines a proposed hybrid membership model for WACC to increase engagement among younger generations and diverse justice actors. It emphasizes the need for a more granular Theory of Change and the implementation of a tiered membership system—ranging from full governance roles to free subscriptions—to build a broader network while maintaining the association's unique identity.

The document outlines a framework for discussing universal education and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) as climate solutions. It emphasizes that these interventions are synergistic and that centering gender equality and bodily autonomy is essential for effective climate mitigation and adaptation. The guide warns against oversimplifying these complexities or using coercive language regarding family size, arguing instead for a rights-based approach that addresses systemic oppression and empowers women and girls as agents of change.

The document argues that Latinx communities are disproportionately affected by climate hazards, pollution, and economic disparities. It calls for a national Clean Energy Standard by 2035, the electrification of public transit and school buses, and the remediation of abandoned oil and gas wells. The authors demand that at least 40% of infrastructure investments be directed toward disadvantaged communities and call for the Department of Labor to establish heat illness standards to protect outdoor workers, particularly farmworkers.

The report argues that military operations in Intan Jaya, Papua, are illegal because they lack the required presidential decrees and parliamentary approval. It posits that the deployment of TNI and POLRI forces is not merely for security or counter-terrorism against the TPNPB, but is strategically linked to securing mining concessions for companies like PT ANTAM and PT Madinah Qurrata ‘Ain. The study identifies a 'second leg' of military business where active and retired officers hold leadership roles in these companies. This environment of militarization has led to significant human rights violations, including the deaths of civilians and the displacement of local populations, which the report suggests is a structured effort to facilitate investor access to gold reserves.

The document argues that the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis share analytical similarities as global shocks that exacerbate existing inequalities. It identifies six key lessons for South Africa: the necessity of accessible social protection, the need to value care work, the requirement for a strong and proactive state, the importance of localising industrial processes, the necessity of international cooperation, and the need to center justice in responses to mitigate worsening inequalities.

The report finds that without action to reduce emissions, outdoor workers in the US will face a three- to fourfold increase in exposure to dangerous heat (heat index above 100°F) by midcentury, putting up to $55.4 billion in annual earnings at risk. It highlights that Black/African American and Hispanic/Latino workers are disproportionately represented in outdoor occupations and will bear a heavier burden of these losses. The authors argue that current voluntary heat guidelines are insufficient and call for the enactment of the Asunción Valdivia Heat Illness and Prevention Act of 2021 to establish mandatory, enforceable federal heat safety standards.

The CER and groundWork oppose the Gas Amendment Bill [B9-2020], asserting that it facilitates fossil fuel development contrary to South Africa's climate obligations and the 1.5°C target. They argue the Bill lacks meaningful public consultation, fails to provide adequate access to information, and irregularly grants environmental regulatory powers to the Energy Regulator, thereby encroaching on the mandate of the Minister of Forestry, Fisheries and Environment.

The author argues that climate reporting must include climate justice to accurately reflect how the climate emergency is tied to existing social and racial inequities. The guide advises reporters to move beyond portraying marginalized communities as victims, to diversify expert sources, and to invest significant time in building trust with sources to avoid misrepresentation. It emphasizes that the systems driving climate change—such as extractive industries and discriminatory housing—are the same systems that create race and class divides.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing groundWork and Earthlife Africa, submitted comments on July 23, 2021, regarding the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment's (DFFE) draft Guideline for considering climate change implications in environmental authorisations and licenses. While welcoming the initiative, the CER argues that the draft is insufficient to address the climate crisis and fails to meet the legal requirements of the Constitution and the National Environment Management Act (NEMA). The submission advocates for a 1.5°C warming limit as the primary benchmark for emissions assessments rather than Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and calls for the inclusion of social costs of carbon and full lifecycle GHG emissions in project evaluations.

The document argues that climate change adaptation policies in Canada often ignore that risks are socially created and inequitably distributed. It uses case studies from Nova Scotia to demonstrate how structural determinants—such as poverty, systemic racism, and lack of education—combine with environmental racism to make racialized communities more sensitive to and more exposed to climate hazards. The author highlights specific instances of environmental racism, including toxic waste sites and industrial pollution in Mi’kmaw and African Nova Scotian communities, and calls for race-based data collection and health equity impact assessments to build climate resilience.

The document argues that climate change adaptation policies in Canada often ignore how structural inequalities and environmental racism increase the vulnerability of marginalized groups. Using case studies from Nova Scotia, it demonstrates how historical racism and systemic failures in education, employment, and justice create health disparities that make Mi’kmaw and African Nova Scotian communities more susceptible to climate-related hazards. It details specific instances of environmental racism, such as the pollution of Boat Harbour and the forced relocation of Africville, and calls for health equity through disaggregated data, increased representation, and environmental justice legislation.

Climate Central developed an Urban Heat Intensity Index for 159 U.S. cities, finding that New Orleans, Newark, New York City, Houston, and San Francisco have the highest intensity scores. The report identifies albedo, lack of greenery, population density, and building height as primary drivers of the UHI effect. These conditions exacerbate heat waves, worsen air quality through ground-level ozone formation, and disproportionately affect vulnerable populations, particularly those in formerly redlined neighborhoods. Proposed solutions include short-term emergency cooling measures and long-term infrastructure changes such as planting trees, installing green and cool roofs, and deploying solar energy.

The author contends that U.S. foreign policy fails to recognize the complex drivers of forced displacement in Central America, specifically the intersection of extreme weather events and structural poverty. The text highlights how the Central American Dry Corridor is particularly vulnerable to droughts and storms, which destroy subsistence agriculture and drive migration. It further argues that many migrants are misclassified as 'economic migrants' when they are actually fleeing climate-induced food insecurity and systemic oppression, particularly among Indigenous groups. The author calls for a shift from a 'hard security' approach to a humanitarian framework based on 'common but differentiated responsibilities' to address the asylum and refugee needs of this population.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, representing groundWork, Vukani Environmental Justice Movement in Action, and the African Climate Alliance, has formally objected to the inclusion of new fossil fuel generation capacity—specifically 1500 MW of new coal—in South Africa's Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2019 and a September 2020 ministerial determination. The letter requests that the Minister of Mineral Resources and Energy clarify if the IRP 2019 will be updated by the end of 2021, citing a June 2021 announcement by President Ramaphosa to increase the NERSA generation licence exemption threshold to 100 MW. The authors argue this change could unlock over 5000 MW of embedded generation capacity not currently accounted for in the IRP 2019, necessitating a revision of the proposed energy mix.

The authors warn that unilateral solar geoengineering research, particularly by the United States, risks deterring fossil fuel mitigation and concentrating power among elites. They argue that any such research must be multilaterally governed under the United Nations and preceded by inclusive public deliberations to avoid the militarization of planetary-scale climate interventions.