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The Center for International Environmental Law asserts that ocean protection is impossible without confronting the expansion of offshore oil and gas, which it identifies as the primary driver of the climate crisis. The organization calls on governments at the 11th Our Ocean Conference in Kenya to halt new offshore licensing, end public subsidies for expansion, and reject speculative marine geoengineering technologies that risk irreversible ecosystem damage. It further argues that states have binding legal duties under international law to prevent climate harm and protect the marine environment, which necessitates a coordinated phaseout of fossil fuel demand and supply.

The inventory identifies nature-based solutions (NbS) in Zimbabwe, focusing on reforestation and wildlife corridor conservation in biodiversity hotspots like Hwange and Zambezi National Parks. These projects integrate traditional knowledge with modern practices across sectors such as water management and sustainable agriculture to combat droughts, unpredictable rainfall, and rising temperatures.

The document outlines a framework for responsible mining of transition minerals, focusing on protecting carbon-rich ecosystems, upholding Indigenous rights through Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), and implementing rigorous climate-integrated impact assessments. It advocates for standardized Scope 1-3 emissions reporting, digital traceability, and a shift toward a circular economy to reduce virgin metal demand. Additionally, it proposes equitable benefit-sharing models, such as co-ownership and sovereign wealth funds, to ensure a just energy transition.

The Wood Solution Thailand Program's engagement phase (March–June 2026) seeks to transition Thailand's building sector from concrete to sustainable timber to reduce emissions and support rural development. The initiative, a partnership between the Stockholm Environment Institute, the Eco-Innovation Foundation, and the Thailand and Nordic countries Innovation Unit, focuses on five workstreams: conducting a value chain feasibility study, supporting pioneer pilot initiatives, creating a support platform for international experts, hosting a vision event in Bangkok, and developing funding partnerships. The program intends to link cities to local forests, utilizing plantations, agroforestry, and managed secondary forests to create permanent carbon sinks and improve rural livelihoods.

The document outlines the environmental risks associated with the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, specifically regarding deforestation in the Amazon and other biomes, the extraction of critical minerals, and the potential conflict between the trade deal and the European Union Deforestation Regulation (EUDR).

Reclaim Finance calls for the financial sector to stop funding fossil fuel projects in critical biodiversity areas, arguing that current biodiversity commitments are inadequate and that the fossil fuel industry is a primary driver of ecosystem collapse and climate change.

The research paper analyzes historical agricultural transformations in China, Brazil, and Egypt, highlighting the roles of institutional incentives, genetic seed tailoring, and targeted infrastructure investments in increasing yields and food security.

The project targets 15.8 million hectares of the Peruvian Amazon across four geographic groups: Loreto, Amazonas-San Martin, Pasco-Junin, and Madre de Dios. It employs a Project Finance for Permanence (PFP) model to address a financial gap of US$5.3 million per annum, transitioning from donor dependence to sustainable domestic funding via tourism fees, water Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES), and environmental compensation. Component 1 focuses on advancing NPAs through SERNANP's management levels (Basic, Structural, and Optimal) to avoid 1.8 million tCO2eq by project completion and 13.4 million tCO2eq over 25 years. Component 2 implements Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA) and climate-resilient productive practices for 33,516 direct beneficiaries across 192 Indigenous communities. The total financing is US$74.5 million, with US$37.5 million requested from the GCF as a grant.

The report explores how a differentiated global carbon tax—where rates are based on a country's income classification—could reduce fossil fuel emissions and foster economic growth in Africa. Under the 'Sustainable Africa' scenario, the African economy is projected to be 58% larger by 2050 than the 'Current Path', with significant reductions in extreme poverty and near-total electricity access, despite a larger economy. The document also highlights Africa's potential as a carbon sink through reforestation and land management to attract investment and carbon credits.

The document examines 58 active fossil fuel production restrictions across 25 countries and 27 subnational jurisdictions, noting a sharp increase in such policies since the 2010s. It highlights that while these measures are expanding, they remain politically fragile and susceptible to rollbacks during high energy price cycles or government changes. The analysis emphasizes the role of subnational governments as early adopters and the importance of strong legal anchoring to prevent repeals.

Global Witness reports that Fabrizio Nuti, head of LVMH-owned Nuti Ivo and leader of the UNIC and COTANCE industry associations, is leading a campaign to exempt leather from the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR). The report alleges that Nuti's separate Paraguayan tannery, Lecom/Parpelli, sources hides from meat giants Minerva Foods and Frigorífico Concepción, which are linked to the deforestation of approximately 111,000 hectares in the Gran Chaco, including lands of the Indigenous Ayoreo Totobiegosode People. Despite LVMH's public zero-deforestation targets, the report finds that Nuti Ivo's Conceria Everest imported hides from Lecom/Parpelli as recently as December 2025, and that Nuti Ivo can only trace 45% of its hides to a specific slaughterhouse.

The research paper examines the transition of trade-related climate measures from abstract policy debates to concrete implementation between 2025 and early 2026. It highlights the role of the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the EU Deforestation Regulation as primary drivers of international tension. The authors analyze discussions within the WTO's Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) and the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD), as well as new initiatives established at COP 30 in Brazil, including the 'Mutirão' technical dialogues and the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade (IFCCT). The paper argues that MC14 serves as a critical moment for consolidating these debates around transparency, interoperability, and development support.

The EU's 2040 climate target aims for a 90% net reduction in emissions compared to 1990 levels. However, the author contends that this target is a dilution of ambition because it allows 5% of the reduction to be met through international carbon credits and relies on a 'net' framework rather than separate targets for emissions reductions and carbon removals. This design creates a risk of 'mitigation deterrence,' where the expectation of future carbon dioxide removal (CDR) technologies—such as BECCS and DACCS—justifies slower near-term decarbonization. Despite broad stakeholder support for separate targets, including from some business associations and CDR developers, the European Commission opted for a single net target to simplify governance and maintain industrial competitiveness. The document warns that integrating CDR into the EU Emission Trading Scheme (ETS) could further allow large emitters to avoid direct cuts.

The document analyzes how the 2025 ICJ Advisory Opinion (AO) establishes a 'stringent due diligence' standard for States to prevent significant harm to the climate system. It argues that regulatory rollbacks, such as easing emission standards or removing Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) requirements, may constitute internationally wrongful acts. The note provides specific legal excerpts from the AO and applies them to various categories of litigation, including challenges to diluted mitigation standards, weakened land-use protections, and procedural rollbacks. A detailed annex examines recent regulatory shifts in India—including thermal power emission norms, forest governance changes under the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act 2023, and EIA exemptions—as examples of conduct that may breach the ICJ's established standards.

The Resilient Coasts – Caribbean Sea project is implementing a living lab in Montecristi, Dominican Republic, to address hydrological degradation and salinization of mangroves in El Morro National Park. The initiative integrates ecological restoration with the creation of sustainable business models and climate finance mechanisms to protect against storms, support biodiversity, and capture carbon. The project intends to produce a national resilience blueprint and a scalable framework for nature-based solutions that can be replicated across the Caribbean.

The document provides a comprehensive analysis of the IACtHR's Advisory Opinion OC-32/25, which recognizes the right to a healthy climate as an autonomous and justiciable right. It details the court's findings on the obligations of states to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, adapt to climate impacts, and cooperate internationally. The report emphasizes the recognition of Nature as a subject of rights and the establishment of a reinforced due diligence standard for preventing climate damage. It also explores the specific protections required for vulnerable groups, including indigenous peoples, LGBTIQ+ individuals, persons with disabilities, and future generations, while outlining the necessity of comprehensive climate reparations and environmental democracy.

Liberia's NDC 3.0 establishes a target to reduce economy-wide greenhouse gas emissions by 64% below business-as-usual (BAU) levels by 2035, consisting of a 10% unconditional reduction and a 54% conditional reduction. The plan expands mitigation to the transport and waste sectors and introduces quantitative adaptation targets for agriculture, coastal zones, health, and fisheries. It emphasizes climate justice and gender-responsive actions, specifically targeting youth and children, while aligning with the ARREST Agenda for Inclusive Development (2025–2029). Implementation is highly dependent on international finance, technology transfer, and capacity building.

The report argues that the economic and energy security justifications for expanding oil and gas activities in the Colombian Amazon are poorly substantiated. It recommends permanently shelving unassigned blocks, protecting biodiversity, and managing the decline of the fossil fuel industry in areas like Putumayo to align with Colombia's climate commitments and its USD 40 billion climate and nature investment plan.

Russia is attempting to form a non-Western climate coalition through BRICS, the SCO, and the EAEU to define 'sovereign' climate priorities that protect its fossil fuel exports. The document argues that Russia's approach is obstructionist, relying on the recalculation of forest carbon sinks to meet neutrality goals on paper rather than implementing genuine mitigation. While Russia pushes for shared carbon markets and 'technological neutrality' to prolong fossil fuel use, its Asian partners have largely rejected deep regulatory harmonisation. Meanwhile, Russian non-fossil fuel exporters maintain independent ESG agendas to remain competitive against foreign carbon border adjustments, despite the government's lack of a domestic carbon price.

Russia's climate policy is characterized by a 'hydrocarbon culture' that prioritizes fossil fuel exports over mitigation. While the country has implemented domestic regulations and a pilot emissions trading scheme, there is uncertainty regarding actual greenhouse gas emission reductions. Russia intends to meet its 2060 carbon neutrality target by recalculating forest carbon absorption to offset emissions. Furthermore, the war in Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions have severed climate diplomacy with the West, exacerbating Russian climate obstructionism.