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The document introduces Indigenomics as a model for economic development that centres Indigenous rights, knowledge, and stewardship. It argues that a successful low-carbon transition in Canada requires economic reconciliation and the integration of Indigenous worldviews, which are described as the original 'green' and 'circular' economies. The author highlights several Indigenous-led initiatives, including the Great Bear Forest Carbon Project and the Indigenous Guardians Program, as evidence of leadership in climate action and environmental justice.

The essay introduces 'indigenomics' as a framework that blends traditional Indigenous principles—such as circular, regenerative, and gift economies—with modern business practices. It asserts that Indigenous knowledge systems and rights are essential for effective climate adaptation and mitigation, as Indigenous peoples manage vital carbon-storing ecosystems and possess long-term territorial memory. The author highlights several leadership initiatives, including the Great Bear Forest carbon project and Indigenous Protected and Conservation Areas, to demonstrate how Indigenous governance can drive environmental justice. The document concludes that a successful transition to a green economy in Canada requires economic reconciliation and the inclusion of Indigenous knowledge in national climate and economic strategies.

The author contends that the lack of a formal, ministerial-level 'climate and trade' agenda at the WTO or UNFCCC leads to policy silos and trade tensions. To address this, the document proposes a coalition of approximately 40 trade ministers, including G20 members and diverse developing nations, to align trade flows with the Paris Agreement and ensure a just transition.

Following the 2021 federal election, all major Canadian political parties have committed to net-zero carbon emissions by 2050 and carbon reductions by 2030. The document highlights the importance of the Canadian Net-Zero Emissions Accountability Act, which mandates five-year milestones and established the Net-Zero Advisory Body. It emphasizes that achieving the 2030 target requires scaling 'safe bet' solutions—such as energy-efficient buildings and clean electricity—while calling for a comprehensive emissions reduction plan that addresses carbon pricing, emerging technologies, and a just transition for workers.

The document highlights a unique moment of political alignment in Canada where all major parties commit to net-zero by 2050. It emphasizes the importance of the Canadian Net-Zero Emissions Accountability Act in providing a legal framework for emissions reductions and calls for a detailed 2030 emissions reduction plan focusing on proven technologies like energy-efficient buildings and clean electricity.

The report evaluates progress toward the New York Declaration on Forests (NYDF) and the Paris Agreement, concluding that current efforts are insufficient to end forest loss and greenhouse gas emissions by 2030. It argues that forest mitigation goals are fundamentally conflicted with an economic system based on unlimited production and consumption. To address this, the document outlines six key strategies for governments: strengthening land governance, securing indigenous and local community rights, aligning financial incentives, supporting multi-stakeholder collaboration, improving forest monitoring, and implementing demand-side measures in importing countries.

The report finds that while the Paris Agreement has confirmed the role of forests in the international climate agenda, global efforts to end forest loss and greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 remain insufficient. It argues that current economic systems incentivize forest exploitation and that existing government initiatives—such as REDD+ programs and monitoring systems—have not been enough to counter these drivers. To realize forests' mitigation potential, the authors recommend that governments increase ambition in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), massively scale up domestic and international finance, and implement six specific strategies: strengthening land governance, securing Indigenous Peoples and local communities' (IPLCs) rights, aligning fiscal incentives, promoting multistakeholder collaboration, ensuring robust monitoring, and expanding demand-side measures in importing countries.

The report concludes that while the Paris Agreement has confirmed the role of forests in the international climate agenda, global efforts remain insufficient to stop deforestation and greenhouse gas emissions by 2030. It argues that current economic systems, driven by infinite production and consumption, contradict climate goals. To address this, the report proposes six core strategies: strengthening land governance, securing indigenous and local community rights, aligning fiscal incentives with mitigation, promoting multi-stakeholder collaboration, ensuring reliable forest monitoring, and implementing demand-side measures in importing countries.

The report finds that while Goal 7 of the NYDF—integrating forests into the international climate agenda via the Paris Agreement—has been achieved, overall progress in ending forest loss and associated greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 remains insufficient. It argues that current mitigation efforts are undermined by an economic system driven by infinite production and consumption of forest-risk commodities. To address this, the document proposes six core strategies for governments: strengthening land-use governance, securing Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) rights, aligning financial incentives with mitigation goals, promoting multi-stakeholder jurisdictional collaboration, ensuring robust forest monitoring, and expanding demand-side measures in importing countries.

The UN High-level Dialogue on Energy (HLDE) resulted in the first-ever global roadmap for accelerating Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG7) and the announcement of over 160 Energy Compacts. These voluntary commitments from governments, businesses, and civil society include more than USD 400 billion in new finance and investment to address energy poverty and decarbonize energy systems. The dialogue established specific milestones for 2025 and 2030, including the phase-out of coal and the tripling of global renewable power capacity.

The document analyzes the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as a shift in climate policy toward trade and economic levers. It highlights the growth of carbon pricing globally, including the EU ETS and China's national ETS, and suggests that COP26 should be used to establish a 'green window' for preferential treatment of green goods and a mechanism to allocate CBAM revenues to vulnerable countries to ensure a just transition.

The We Mean Business Coalition asserts that while many companies are pursuing science-based targets and investing in renewables and electric fleets, voluntary action is insufficient to meet the goal of halving global emissions by 2030. The coalition calls for governments to implement mandatory climate-related financial disclosures, end coal financing and fossil fuel subsidies, and invest in EV infrastructure and smart grids to create the economic certainty required for businesses to accelerate their transition.

The submission by CSC to the IMO's 77th session argues for a robust carbon pricing mechanism for international shipping that avoids offsets and exemptions. It proposes a high carbon price—potentially $400/tonne or more in this decade—to bridge the gap between fossil and zero-carbon fuels and drive rapid decarbonization. The document emphasizes that revenues should be used for climate rebates to vulnerable nations, such as low-income small island developing States (SIDS), and for investing in zero-emission infrastructure. It further asserts that global IMO measures must not undermine more ambitious regional regulations, such as the EU's plan to include shipping in the EU ETS.

The document examines the role of economic consultants hired by the petroleum industry to undermine US climate policy initiatives. It argues that these consultants used models that inflated costs and ignored benefits, presenting their industry-sponsored findings as independent to delay policies such as carbon pricing and international climate agreements.

The document argues that 'Big Food' companies face escalating risks across waste, climate, and health dimensions due to their 'addiction to single-use plastics'. It highlights a wave of new legislation in Europe, increasing public backlash, and emerging legal precedents in the US and EU that could lead to significant financial and legal liabilities. The brief warns investors that many companies are failing to disclose these material risks or are relying on 'false solutions' rather than reducing their plastic footprints.

The Russian coal sector provides a low economic contribution to the national GDP but maintains high social and political significance, particularly in regions like Kuzbass. Despite this, the sector is heavily reliant on indirect state subsidies and faces a deteriorating infrastructure, with the average age of coal power plants reaching 53 years. The report highlights a disconnect between the Russian government's expectations of export growth and the reality of decarbonization trends in key markets such as the EU, China, and India. It argues that Russia lacks an official decarbonization scenario and that conservative views currently dominate policy, ignoring the risks of stranded assets and the impact of the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The authors propose a 'just transition' framework consisting of social programs for workers, regional economic diversification, and the introduction of an internal carbon price.

The Russian coal sector provides a negligible contribution to the national GDP but remains politically significant due to regional employment and historical stability concerns. While the Russian government continues to anticipate growth in coal exports, particularly to Asia, the report argues that this is unrealistic given the global low-carbon transition, the obsolescence of Russia's coal-fired power fleet, and the increasing competitiveness of renewable energy. The document highlights that the sector is heavily reliant on indirect government subsidies, such as reduced rail tariffs. It proposes a three-part just transition framework consisting of social re-employment programmes, regional economic diversification (especially in the Kuzbass region), and the implementation of a domestic carbon price to internalize environmental costs.

The briefing argues that as countries increase climate ambition and carbon pricing, border carbon adjustment (BCA) mechanisms are becoming inevitable to prevent carbon leakage. To avoid these tools becoming protectionist or causing trade disputes, the author proposes a framework of principles—such as prioritizing leakage protection over competitiveness and granting credit for foreign carbon prices—and best practices, including the use of international data standards. The document suggests the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the ideal multilateral forum for discussing these guidelines to provide a bulwark against national protectionist pressures.

Ghana's updated NDC (2020-2030) aims to reduce absolute greenhouse gas emissions by 64 MtCO2e and benefit nearly 38 million people. The plan consists of 13 adaptation and 34 mitigation measures, requiring an estimated investment of US$ 9.3 to US$ 15.5 billion. The strategy emphasizes sustainable energy transition, landscape restoration, and social inclusion, with a specific focus on reducing short-lived climate pollutants to improve public health.

The paper surveys 29 long-term climate strategies (LTSs) submitted to the UNFCCC, representing 42 countries and 28% of global emissions. It finds a growing trend toward net-zero targets, an increasing focus on the fundamental economic and societal shifts required for transition, and a reliance on both natural and technological carbon removals. The analysis highlights that while most strategies include midcentury goals and modeling, the level of detail regarding adaptation and just transition varies, and some parties acknowledge gaps between their most ambitious scenarios and their final targets.