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The report establishes a framework for assessing temporary carbon storage, asserting that because CO2 emissions have effectively permanent impacts, storage lasting only decades or a century cannot offset emissions without risking higher long-term temperatures. It argues that economic equivalence claims are irrelevant to the physical targets of the Paris Agreement and suggests a minimum storage requirement of 100 years based on the precautionary principle and current global emissions trajectories.

The report concludes that all analyzed policy frameworks are inadequate for the robust deployment of carbon dioxide removals (CDR). Most frameworks fail to establish a clear firewall between emissions reductions and removals, often treating them as interchangeable through offsetting mechanisms. Key deficiencies include the absence of legally binding, separate CDR targets, the lack of a robust definition of CDR that ensures long-term permanence, and insufficient monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems. The authors recommend that CDR be strictly defined as a secondary climate function to balance residual emissions, supported by dedicated legal targets and rigorous accounting to prevent 'mitigation deterrence'.

The assessment of 17 G20 long-term strategies reveals that while most members have set net zero targets—predominantly for 2050—there is a significant lack of quantitative detail regarding climate finance and specific renewable energy targets. Most strategies prioritise decarbonisation in power, buildings, agriculture, industry, and transport, with hydrogen viewed as a key opportunity. France is the only member committing to phase out fossil gas and oil exploration on its own territory, and the UK is the only one including international aviation and shipping in its net zero target. To reach net zero, G20 countries aim to reduce 2019 emissions by an average of 72-81% by 2050, relying on carbon dioxide removal (CDR) for residual emissions.

Carbon Market Watch argues that current carbon market mechanisms, such as buffer pools and insurance, are insufficient to guarantee the multi-century permanence required for carbon removals to credibly offset ongoing emissions. The organization recommends extending project proponent monitoring responsibilities to at least 100 years, implementing strict reversal notification timelines (within 30 days), and requiring the automatic cancellation of unused buffer credits. To address equity concerns, it suggests that liability for reversals should shift to acquiring Parties or be funded via top-off fees and a Secretariat-managed satellite monitoring system, rather than falling on host Parties, many of which are developing nations.

Carbon Market Watch (CMW) highlights that the two-week window for providing inputs to the Supervisory Body on removal activities is "extremely short" and overlaps with SB58, potentially leading to an underrepresentation of observer organisations. Instead of new inputs, CMW directs the Supervisory Body to five previous submissions made between May 2022 and April 2023 regarding removal activities and methodological requirements.

The Center for International Environmental Law argues that industrial food production is deeply linked to the fossil fuel industry through the use of synthetic fertilizers and pesticides, which release greenhouse gases and may impair soil carbon sequestration. The statement warns that geoengineering technologies, such as solar radiation modification and large-scale carbon removal, pose risks to weather patterns, ecosystems, and food security. It calls for a rapid end to fossil fuel reliance and a transition to regenerative agricultural models that protect the rights of land and environmental defenders, including Indigenous Peoples and local communities.

The European Climate Neutrality Observatory (ECNO) finds that while the EU is generally moving in the right direction toward its 2050 climate neutrality goal, the pace of change is too slow across most sectors. Governance is the only building block currently assessed as 'on track', while finance and carbon dioxide removals are moving in the 'wrong direction'. Significant gaps exist in the agricultural sector, where policies have supported intensive animal agriculture, and in external action, where the EU's 'climate bank' continues to finance fossil fuels abroad.

Carbon mineralization is a carbon dioxide removal (CDR) process that accelerates the reaction between CO2 and alkaline minerals in mafic or ultramafic rocks to create solid carbonates. The document outlines in-situ (subsurface) and ex-situ (surface) approaches, noting that while the process can permanently sequester CO2 and offer co-benefits like strengthening concrete or reducing ocean acidification, it faces challenges including high energy requirements for mining and grinding, potential heavy metal contamination, and a lack of standardized measurement and monitoring protocols.

The brief submitted by CIEL and Greenpeace International asserts that anthropogenic greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions constitute marine pollution under UNCLOS. It argues that States have a legal duty to prevent, reduce, and control these emissions to protect and preserve the marine environment, specifically by limiting warming to 1.5°C. The authors contend that this duty requires an immediate halt to new fossil fuel projects, a transition to non-fossil fuel power by mid-century, and the implementation of adaptation measures. The brief emphasizes that ITLOS should interpret UNCLOS harmoniously with international human rights law and the best available science, applying principles such as the precautionary principle, intergenerational equity, and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDRRC-NC).

The document argues that climate coverage must move beyond problem-focused reporting to include evidence-based solutions. It categorizes climate solutions into policy, economy, technology, civil society, and culture, urging journalists to prioritize the political and economic battles over purely technological fixes. The guide emphasizes the urgency for marginalized communities and provides specific examples, such as the US Inflation Reduction Act, to illustrate how to analyze the effectiveness and limitations of climate policies.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2023 analyzes net zero pledges across over 4,000 entities, finding that while the number of corporate targets is growing rapidly and national targets are increasingly underpinned by policy, many subnational and corporate entities still lack emission reduction targets or robust strategies, and no major producer has committed to a fossil fuel phase-out.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2023 finds that while the number of entities with net zero targets has grown to 1,475, a significant portion of sub-national governments and large companies still lack any emission reduction targets. While national targets are increasingly underpinned by legislation, there is limited improvement in the robustness of corporate and sub-national strategies, particularly regarding Scope 3 emissions and the use of offsets. Notably, no major fossil fuel producers have committed to phasing out fossil fuels despite having net zero pledges.

The document describes the ocean as the planet's largest carbon sink, sequestering approximately 26% of human-released CO2 annually. It details the biological and physical carbon pumps, the role of large marine mammals and coastal ecosystems in 'blue carbon' storage, and evaluates emerging geoengineering approaches for carbon dioxide removal (CDR). The brief emphasizes that while ocean-based solutions build resilience and biodiversity, they must be paired with rapid emissions cuts to effectively slow global warming.

Carbon Market Watch advocates for a legally binding EU target of over 90% gross emissions cuts by 2040 to achieve domestic net zero. The organization argues for 'turbo charging' the EU ETS by increasing linear reduction factors, phasing out free allowances by 2030 in favor of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), and keeping carbon removals strictly separate from the ETS to avoid offsetting and ensure deep decarbonization. It also calls for the expansion of the ETS to full scope for aviation and shipping and the use of auctioning revenues for transparent climate projects.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2023 reveals that while net zero targets now cover 92% of global GDP and 88% of global GHG emissions at the national level, the momentum for new national and subnational targets has slowed. In contrast, corporate target-setting continues to grow, with 929 Forbes Global 2000 companies now having targets. However, the report highlights a critical 'integrity gap': fewer than 5% of subnational and corporate targets meet the minimum 'starting line' criteria of the Race to Zero campaign. National targets have seen a significant shift toward formalization, with the share of targets enshrined in law or policy documents rising from less than 10% in December 2020 to 75% in 2023. The analysis also finds that no major fossil fuel producing countries or companies have committed to a full phase-out of fossil fuel extraction or production, and there is a growing but potentially problematic reliance on carbon dioxide removals (CDR) to meet targets.

The report asserts that the EU cannot reach net zero by 2050 without large-scale deployment of CCUS, estimating a need to capture and store between 300 and 640 Mt of CO2 annually by 2050. It highlights a significant gap between current project announcements and the necessary infrastructure, particularly in CO2 transport and geological storage. The authors recommend that the European Commission establish clear targets, a regulatory framework for CO2 grids, and financial mechanisms like Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfD) to de-risk investments. The document specifically identifies 'hard-to-abate' sectors—such as cement, steel, and waste-to-energy—as critical areas where CCUS is either the lowest-cost or only viable decarbonisation pathway. It also emphasizes the necessity of technology-based carbon dioxide removals (CDR) via BECCS and DACS to balance residual emissions.

Carbon Market Watch (CMW) responds to a South Pole consultation on a new corporate claim, "Funding Climate Action - with Verified Climate Contributions." CMW supports moving away from "carbon neutral" claims but criticizes the continued use of a "tonne-for-tonne" approach, which it argues incentivizes low-quality, cheap credits. CMW proposes a "dollar for tonne" model and demands full financial transparency regarding the flow of funds from buyers to projects. The response also outlines six fundamental criteria for firms, including the requirement to demonstrate that emissions are truly "unabatable" and to account for all scope 1, 2, and 3 emissions before utilizing carbon credits.

Carbon Market Watch critiques the European cement association's (Cembureau) claims that cement production and use can provide carbon removals. The author argues that proposed methods—including the use of sustainable biomass with CCS, enhanced carbonation, and natural carbonation—fail to meet the criteria for permanent and additional removals when full life-cycle assessments are considered. The document urges the EU to focus on proven removal techniques and industrial decarbonization strategies, such as reducing clinker-to-cement ratios and phasing out free pollution permits under the Emissions Trading System.

The guide argues that climate coverage must move beyond focusing solely on the problem to show that the crisis is solvable, emphasizing evidence-based solutions journalism. It outlines a framework for reporting on government policies, business practices, technological mitigation and adaptation, civil society actions, and cultural influences. The document warns reporters to prioritize the political and economic battles over 'techno-fixes' and to highlight the urgency for marginalized communities who suffer disproportionately from climate impacts.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) presents a critical overview of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), asserting that the technology overpromises on emission reductions while introducing significant safety risks and high costs. The document highlights the 'energy penalty'—the extra energy required to power capture equipment—and notes that most existing projects are used for enhanced oil recovery (EOR), which can increase overall emissions. It warns that a large-scale CCS buildout in the United States would require an unrealistic and dangerous expansion of pipeline infrastructure. Furthermore, the text argues that CCS is unnecessary for 'hard to abate' industrial sectors, where electrification and demand reduction are more viable, and critiques 'blue hydrogen' as a means to prolong fossil fuel dependence. The document concludes that global capture capacity is negligible compared to total emissions and that public subsidies, such as the US 45Q tax credit, inappropriately support the fossil fuel economy.