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The briefing argues that for a transition away from fossil fuels to be equitable, advanced economies must lead with more aggressive emission reductions. Using the IEA's Net Zero Emissions (NZE) scenario, it highlights that advanced economies need to reduce oil emissions by 40% and gas emissions by 33% by 2030, compared to significantly lower targets for emerging and developing economies. The document warns that recent failures to reduce emissions have led to a decline in the ambition of these targets in updated IEA models.

The report examines how the UNFCCC's reliance on consensus has led to a 'race to the bottom,' where a small number of countries can veto critical decisions on fossil fuels, 1.5°C targets, and loss and damage. By comparing the UNFCCC to other UN bodies and multilateral environmental agreements—such as the UN General Assembly and the Montreal Protocol—the author demonstrates that voting mechanisms can actually enhance multilateralism by brokering consensus and exposing blockers. The document proposes two primary procedural pathways for reform: adopting the long-bracketed draft rules of procedure or amending the Convention and Paris Agreement via a three-fourths majority vote.

The Just Transition Compass serves as a non-prescriptive guide to move Just Transitions from high-level dialogue to concrete implementation. It defines core principles of distributive, procedural, and restorative justice, identifies systemic barriers to national implementation—such as limited subnational capacity and siloed finance—and analyzes the political tensions within the UNFCCC's Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP). The report advocates for a permanent international coordination mechanism to align fragmented efforts, manage the cross-border impacts of unilateral trade measures like the EU's CBAM, and mobilize private capital through sustainable finance taxonomies.

The Just Transition Compass establishes a framework to move from high-level climate commitments to scalable, justice-focused implementation. It identifies four core elements of a just transition—restorative, distributive, procedural, and climate justice—and argues that domestic transitions require international cooperation to avoid economic spillovers and financial inequalities. The document proposes the creation of a permanent Just Transition Coordination Unit within the UNFCCC to reduce fragmentation, align financial flows, and provide capacity support to countries.

The report finds that international reporting of military greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is generally poor, with significant under-reporting in data submitted to the UNFCCC. A comparison of five top military spenders showed that defence ministry reports for direct emissions were, on average, 95% higher than UNFCCC figures. The report highlights a critical lack of Scope 3 (supply-chain) reporting, noting that less than 10% of military carbon footprints typically appear in UNFCCC data. It identifies systemic loopholes in reporting guidelines and instances of 'greenwashing,' specifically by the UK military, and recommends mandatory, explicit military emissions reporting within National Inventory Reports.

The document assesses the UN climate regime's transition to the 'implementation era' following the completion of the Paris Agreement rulebook. It identifies systemic inefficiencies, including a predominance of procedural decisions (87%) over substantive ones, overlapping mandates among 17 constituted bodies, and significant funding gaps for adaptation. The authors argue that the regime is hindered by a de facto veto system based on consensus and the influence of fossil fuel lobbyists. Key recommendations include adopting formal voting rules, closing the Kyoto Protocol's remaining structures to save an estimated €62 million over five years, and operationalizing new governance platforms like a UN Climate Council. The brief also emphasizes the need to address structural drivers of the crisis, such as overconsumption and corporate impunity, while leveraging the 2025 ICJ Advisory Opinion to strengthen legal accountability for both states and non-state actors.

The document argues that the UN climate regime, comprising the UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, and Paris Agreement, is currently hindered by procedural complexity, fragmented institutional structures, and a lack of accountability. It highlights that 87% of recent decisions are merely procedural and recommends a systemic overhaul, including the formal closure of the Kyoto Protocol, the adoption of majority voting to replace consensus, and a shift toward a more active implementation role for the UNFCCC Secretariat. The authors emphasize the need for a new climate finance goal of at least $300 billion annually by 2035 and the integration of ethical considerations and structural causes of the climate crisis into future governance.

Carbon Market Watch argues against scrapping the CBAM despite industry complaints about administrative complexity, suggesting instead that the EU quantify actual carbon leakage and circumvention risks before expanding the mechanism to downstream products. The organization emphasizes that complementary EU policies like the Digital Product Passport and international standards can mitigate administrative burdens. It further recommends providing special treatment for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS) to align with UNFCCC principles.

The report highlights that Indigenous Peoples achieved expanded engagement and increased recognition of their contributions to sustainability in 2024 across the Rio Conventions. However, it identifies inconsistent acceptance of human rights language and a lack of direct funding for participation and customary practices as primary remaining barriers.

The document explains that human activities, primarily the burning of fossil fuels, have increased average global temperatures by approximately one degree Celsius since 1880. It details the resulting impacts, including more frequent extreme weather, rising sea levels, and ocean acidification. The text outlines strategies for addressing these challenges through climate mitigation, adaptation, and resilience, while describing the roles of the U.S. government, corporations, and the United Nations in implementing these solutions.

The We Mean Business Coalition's 'Business Call for Accountability' urges large multi-national companies and trade groups to adopt higher standards of transparency when engaging with the UNFCCC and COP processes. The call specifically asks companies to report annually on their climate advocacy activities and for trade groups to publicly disclose their climate and energy-related policy positions. This initiative aims to distinguish companies supporting the Paris Agreement from those hindering it, while counteracting negative lobbying from fossil fuel interests.

The Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) has appointed five representatives from Canada, Colombia, Guatemala, Ecuador, and Peru to its new Indigenous Peoples Advisory Committee (IPAC). The selection follows a call for candidates open from February 5 to March 19, 2025, which received 14 applications from across the Americas. The selected members were chosen for their ability to integrate indigenous and western knowledge systems to address global environmental change.

The document outlines how a proposed Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty would fill a regulatory void by focusing on the supply side of fossil fuels, which is not explicitly addressed in the Paris Agreement or UNFCCC. It proposes a 'coalition of the willing' approach to set high ambition standards, using majority decision-making to avoid the consensus-based deadlocks of the UNFCCC. The treaty aims to end new fossil fuel expansion, phase out existing projects in line with a 1.5°C limit, and provide financial and technical support for a just transition for dependent communities and workers.

The document proposes a new binding legal instrument, the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, to accelerate the phase-out of coal, oil, and gas. It argues that while the Paris Agreement and UNFCCC provide a general framework for climate action, they lack specific mechanisms to regulate the supply side of fossil fuels. The proposed treaty would focus on three pillars: ending new fossil fuel projects, phasing out existing infrastructure aligned with a 1.5 °C limit, and ensuring a just transition for dependent communities. Unlike the consensus-based decision-making of the UNFCCC, the treaty would employ a 'Coalition of the Willing' approach and majority voting to prevent a small number of states from blocking ambitious action.

The Union of Concerned Scientists finds that the 122 largest fossil fuel and cement producers, termed 'Carbon Majors', are responsible for nearly half of present-day surface temperature increases and nearly one-third of observed global mean sea level rise. The research indicates that past emissions from these entities have already guaranteed an additional 10 to 22 inches of sea level rise by 2300. The document argues that these corporations knowingly misled the public and obstructed climate policy, and it advocates for using legal pathways and multilateral negotiations to hold them financially and legally responsible for climate damages, particularly for vulnerable island nations.

The document identifies 14 distinct tactics of climate obstruction used during UNFCCC negotiations, ranging from overt rejection to subtle procedural delays. It argues that obstruction is unevenly distributed, with wealthier and fossil-fuel-producing nations exercising disproportionate influence. The brief maps these tactics across negotiation stages and predicts their likely application at COP30 in areas such as the Global Goal on Adaptation, fossil fuel phase-outs, and climate finance.

The study examines vertical integration—the coordination between national and sub-national governments—in Indonesia, Brazil, and India. It identifies common barriers such as fragmented governance, capacity gaps, and financing shortages at the local level. The paper recommends improving cross-sectoral governance, enhancing official capacity for planning and evaluation, harmonizing risk assessment data, and ensuring traceable financial mechanisms to bridge the gap between national commitments and local resilience outcomes.

The compendium details the legal arguments presented from December 2 to December 13, 2024, at the ICJ. It highlights a fundamental divide between climate-vulnerable nations and several high-emitting States. Vulnerable nations, including many Small Island Developing States (SIDS), argue for a 'harmonious interpretation' of international law, asserting that obligations to prevent transboundary harm and protect human rights exist independently of and complement the Paris Agreement. They demand accountability for historical emissions and full reparations, including debt cancellation. Conversely, a minority of high-emitting States, such as the United States, Russia, and Saudi Arabia, argue that the UN climate treaty regime (UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, and Paris Agreement) is the exclusive source of State obligations, seeking to limit liability and reject the applicability of customary international law or human rights law to climate mitigation.

The document examines the governance gaps surrounding solar radiation modification (SRM), warning that the current dominance of Global North institutions and private entities creates a risk of unilateral deployment. It advocates for the UNFCCC to formally engage with SRM to democratize decision-making and prevent the exacerbation of global inequalities.

The document outlines the structure of climate negotiations at COP29, listing various negotiating blocs such as the G77+China, EU, and AOSIS, while providing a glossary of terms and a calendar of thematic focus areas.