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The policy brief contends that climate risks are often 'borderless' and that treating adaptation as a local problem hinders global ambition. It advocates for a shared terminology and a transboundary framing of risk—recognizing how impacts in one country create risks in others via trade, migration, and ecosystems—to better utilize the Paris Agreement's mechanisms, such as the global stocktake and National Adaptation Plans, for collective resilience.

The document argues that the EU must stop blocking progress on a conflict of interest policy at the UNFCCC to prevent fossil fuel companies and their lobby groups from undermining the ambition of the Paris Agreement.

The briefing argues that climate adaptation is currently undervalued and incorrectly viewed as a local problem, which hinders global ambition. It proposes a 'transboundary' approach to climate risk, recognizing that impacts in one country create risks in others through trade, biophysical flows, people, and finance. The authors review progress from COP23 and suggest that the Paris Agreement's mechanisms—such as the global stocktake and National Adaptation Plans—should be operationalized to track and manage these cross-border risks to avoid 'climate change contagion' in the global economy.

The document argues that the Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines has the jurisdiction to investigate 'Carbon Majors'—major fossil fuel and cement producers—for their role in climate change. It asserts that these companies contributed significantly to global warming despite knowing the risks, thereby violating fundamental human rights including the rights to life, health, food, and water. The amici argue that under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the 'Polluter Pays' principle, these corporations are accountable for the resulting damages. The text also outlines state obligations under international law and the Public Trust Doctrine to protect citizens from environmental harm and to seek natural resource damages for atmospheric recovery.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, representing the Life After Coal/Impilo Ngaphandle Kwamalahle campaign, has raised concerns to the South African Minister of Environmental Affairs about ambiguities in greenhouse gas (GHG) and pollution prevention reporting. The campaign argues that current regulations allow for aggregated company-level reporting instead of the necessary facility-level data, which undermines the National Greenhouse Gas Inventory and South Africa's international obligations under the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement. They also highlight contradictions in the submission and review timelines for pollution prevention plans and call for greater public transparency of emissions data.

The guide defines fundamental concepts of international climate diplomacy, including the roles of the COP and CMA, the function of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the development of the 'Paris rulebook' (Modalities, Procedures and Guidelines). It also outlines financial mechanisms like the Green Climate Fund and the $100 billion goal, as well as processes for increasing climate ambition such as the Global Stocktake and the Talanoa Dialogue.

The document asserts that informal settlements, which house over a billion people, are critically exposed to climate change yet largely excluded from climate planning and finance. It advocates for the meaningful participation of these communities in urban development and calls for a redirection of climate finance to reach the urban poor to avoid deepening vulnerabilities and carbon lock-in.

The author criticizes the ICAO for developing the CORSIA offsetting scheme behind closed doors, warning that a lack of coordination with the UNFCCC could lead to double-counting of emission reductions and undermine the Paris Agreement. The text calls for the European Union to advocate for public participation and transparency in the aviation body's decision-making process.

India has transitioned from a 'custodian' role for the global South, strictly adhering to the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC), toward a more proactive and pragmatic leadership style. While professional negotiators have historically maintained rigid positions based on equity and historical emissions, political leadership—notably during the Copenhagen, Cancun, and Durban COPs—has shown a greater willingness to shift toward binding commitments and transparency. India now emphasizes solar power collaboration and the implementation of the Paris Agreement while continuing to demand green technology transfer from developed nations.

The study analyzes 174 international climate initiatives to determine their impact on greenhouse gas emissions compared to INDCs. It finds that a subset of 19 initiatives has a global reduction potential of 6-11 GtCO2 equivalents per year by 2030, contributing toward closing the 14 GtCO2e gap identified by the UNEP Emissions Gap Report 2015 for a 2°C pathway.

The brief contends that a stable climate system is a necessary precondition for the exercise of fundamental rights, such as the right to life, liberty, and property. It supports this position by citing international agreements, including the Paris Agreement and the UNFCCC, as well as jurisprudence from foreign courts and U.S. state constitutions that link environmental health to human rights.

The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

Albania implemented a pilot exercise to mainstream climate change adaptation into its 2018-2020 Medium-Term Budget Process, involving seven budget programs across four ministries. The process focused on identifying adaptation measures at various levels of government programming and improving the tracking of expenditures through the national financial system. The government intends to use this data for reporting to the UNFCCC and the European Union, with a long-term goal of potentially establishing a multi-sectoral government program on climate change if the mainstreaming process is deemed successful by international assessments.

The document analyzes the institutional frameworks for climate change adaptation in Trinidad and Tobago and Saint Lucia, emphasizing that effective adaptation depends on governance processes, national-level policymaking, and civil society engagement. While both nations have developed adaptation policies and contributed to the UNFCCC, the analysis finds a need for more thorough vulnerability assessments and the creation of adaptation activity inventories to improve transparency and reduce duplication.

The Reporting for Results-based REDD+ (RRR+) project is a joint initiative by the Coalition for Rainforest Nations (CfRN) and the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) running from 2017 to 2019. It aims to help 21 tropical and subtropical forest countries develop the technical and institutional capacity to create accurate greenhouse gas inventories for the agriculture, forestry, and other land use (AFOLU) sectors. This capacity is essential for countries to submit reports to the UNFCCC and unlock results-based REDD+ payments. The project provides tailored training based on IPCC methods, supports the submission of National Communications and Biennial Update Reports, and promotes gender equality in natural resource management.

The report details the outcomes of the "Science for Action" campaign conducted by the SDG Media Zone and the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) during COP-23. The campaign utilized live interviews and social media coverage to promote the Sustainable Development Goals and the communication of science for decision-making, achieving over 2.5 million impressions and reaching more than 780 thousand people across 30 countries.

The document asserts that meeting the Paris Agreement's goals of keeping warming "well below 2°C" requires a phase-down of coal, oil, and natural gas production. It identifies six primary mechanisms within the UNFCCC framework to achieve this: incorporating supply-side targets in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), planning managed declines in long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies (LTSs), tracking extraction via the global stocktake, providing technical capacity-building support, redirecting finance away from fossil fuel infrastructure, and providing developed-country assistance to developing nations for economic transitions.

The report analyzes seven multilateral climate funds—the Green Climate Fund (GCF), Global Environment Facility (GEF), Adaptation Fund (AF), Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF), Special Climate Change Fund (SCCF), and the Clean Technology Fund (CTF) and Strategic Climate Fund (SCF)—against five strategies for transformative change: achieving impact at scale, promoting country ownership, improving efficiency, supporting equitable allocation, and increasing accountability. It finds that the proliferation of funds has led to overlapping roles and inefficiencies. The authors recommend short-term reforms to clarify fund specialization and long-term architectural changes, including the potential consolidation or sunsetting of certain funds, such as the CIFs, SCCF, and LDCF, to streamline the climate finance landscape.

ClientEarth argues that the Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines has the jurisdiction to investigate the Carbon Majors because climate change threatens fundamental civil and political rights. The brief asserts that there is a linear causal relationship between greenhouse gas emissions and global warming, and that the Carbon Majors' emissions have contributed significantly to this process. It recommends that the Philippine government ratify the Paris Agreement and that the Carbon Majors publish business plans aligned with a warming limit of well below 2 degrees Celsius, in accordance with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.

The document analyzes three legal pathways for the US to exit the Paris Agreement: direct withdrawal from the Agreement (effective November 4, 2020), withdrawal from the UNFCCC (potentially effective by January 20, 2018), or simple non-compliance. It concludes that unilateral 'cancellation' is not legally possible and warns that such actions would violate international law and increase climate-related financial risks for businesses.