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The policy brief warns that the Kyoto Protocol's market mechanisms created an 11 gigatonne 'hot air' loophole due to inflated greenhouse gas estimates, particularly in Eastern European countries. It argues that allowing the carry-over of these credits or early action credits into the post-2020 Paris agreement would undermine climate goals and fail to drive real mitigation. The author recommends that eligibility for market mechanisms be restricted to parties with ambitious, quantified carbon budgets and that early action in developing countries be supported through new climate finance rather than credits.

The briefing argues that allowing 'hot air' credits—surplus units from the Kyoto Protocol or inflated NDCs—threatens global climate targets. It proposes four 'damage control measures': prohibiting the use of Kyoto Protocol units (CERs, ERUs, AAUs) after 2020; limiting the transfer of units to 1% of 2010-2012 average annual emissions; prohibiting the carry-over of Article 6.2 ITMOs across NDC periods; and limiting the lifetime of Article 6.4 emission reductions to five years with restricted banking.

The policy brief contends that a 10-year commitment cycle for climate mitigation is too long and would lock in current low levels of ambition until 2030. It argues that 'reviews' are historically inadequate for increasing ambition unless they are treaty-mandated with strict 'shall' language. The author advocates for a common 5-year commitment period system to align with IPCC Assessment Reports and respond to falling costs of low-carbon technologies.

This report by Friends of the Earth International critiques the international climate negotiation process leading up to COP 17 in Durban. It argues that rich industrialized nations are avoiding their historical responsibility by promoting voluntary pledges and carbon market mechanisms rather than legally binding emission cuts. The document calls for a systemic shift away from neoliberal economic models toward climate justice, demanding radical domestic emission reductions, public financing for the Global South, and the protection of indigenous and local community rights.

The document describes the European Investment Bank (EIB) as a powerful but 'invisible' institution that operates with significant independence from EU oversight. It details systemic failures identified by NGOs, including a lack of clear environmental standards, insufficient staffing for environmental expertise, and a refusal to provide public access to project information. The text highlights the EIB's failure to support the Kyoto Protocol and its tendency to fund technological 'fixes' rather than proactive environmental protection. It also outlines civil society campaigns, such as 'EIB: no reform, no money!', which pressured EU member states to link capital increases to institutional reforms.

The Mexican government, via the Instituto Nacional de Ecología, proposes three primary research lines for the IAI: integrated assessments of climate variability and its impacts on health, agriculture, tourism, and ecosystems; the mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions in the energy and forestry sectors; and the study of co-benefits from reducing local and global emissions on human health and urban ecosystems.

The report traces the history of international climate policy, highlighting the shift from the 'top-down' prescriptive approach of the Kyoto Protocol to the 'bottom-up' voluntary system of the Paris Agreement. It examines the central role of the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR) principle and the challenges of ensuring the participation of major emitters while maintaining equity for developing nations. The text concludes that while the regime has grown in complexity and universality, current collective emission reduction promises remain insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C.

The IISD Climate Change and Energy Team provides research, policy recommendations, and capacity building to help governments, corporations, and communities transition to low-carbon societies and adapt to climate change. The team focuses on the Kyoto Mechanisms, carbon markets, and the development of a post-Kyoto climate regime, while maintaining the Institute's status as a carbon-neutral organization.

The transportation sector accounts for approximately 25% of global CO2 emissions and is the second largest source of greenhouse gas emissions in Chile. A joint project by IISD, CC&D, and CCAP is investigating the application of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to Chilean transport, focusing on technology and demand-side solutions. The project utilizes three case studies: bicycle infrastructure, bus technology switching (e.g., diesel to hybrid electric) in Santiago, and location efficiency through transit-oriented development. The initiative aims to address CDM challenges such as project baselines, additionality, and the potential for sector-wide initiatives to attract funding and technology transfer.

The research uses a welfare model based on consumer surplus to analyze how energy price hikes under a Kyoto Protocol scenario disproportionately affect low-income households in Canada. Through simulations in Alberta and Ontario, the authors find that while high-income groups reduce energy consumption the most, low-income groups suffer the greatest loss in welfare. The paper proposes an income-differentiated pricing system and carbon-reduction tax rebates for high-income groups as mechanisms to ensure equity and protect the basic energy needs of the poor.

The paper examines four regime options for a post-2012 climate framework: maintaining targets with flexibility mechanisms (broadening the CDM scope), differentiating developing country eligibility, implementing an expanded CDM (sectoral/NAMA approaches), and establishing a fund-based mechanism. It analyzes how these options affect the 'development dividend' across three dimensions: quality (sustainable development benefits), quantity (volume of Certified Emission Reductions), and regional distribution (investment in least developed countries). The authors conclude that while a fund-based mechanism best addresses quality and equity, it may struggle to match the investment volumes of private-sector market mechanisms. Conversely, expanding the CDM scope could flood the market with cheap credits, potentially crashing prices unless accompanied by ambitious emission reduction targets in developed nations.

The document identifies three primary areas of potential conflict between the Kyoto Protocol and WTO rules: flexibility mechanisms, domestic policies and measures, and compliance enforcement. It analyzes how emissions trading, carbon taxes, efficiency standards, and subsidies could be interpreted as violations of WTO principles such as the most-favoured nation (MFN) principle or the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM). The author argues that while these conflicts are serious, they can be avoided through proactive treaty design and the creation of institutional bridges between trade and environmental governance.

The document outlines the results of the first Rapid Trade and Environment Assessment (RTEA) conducted in Africa, focusing on Namibia. It argues that Namibia should avoid a bulk export industrial model and instead leverage its comparative advantages in high-value niche sectors such as eco-tourism, natural products, and carbon offsets. The brief identifies a need for better inter-sectoral coordination and a national forum to monitor international green labeling and certification standards that could act as technical barriers to trade.

The Sustainable Development Timeline tracks the evolution of environmental and development milestones, starting with the 1962 publication of Silent Spring. It documents the rise of influential NGOs like Greenpeace and the Environmental Defense Fund, the establishment of international frameworks such as the Montreal Protocol and the Kyoto Protocol, and the emergence of critical scientific warnings regarding ozone depletion and climate change. The timeline also highlights the intersection of social equity and environmentalism, noting the role of the Global South, the impact of the Millennium Development Goals, and the economic arguments for climate action presented in the Stern Report.

The document serves as a practical handbook for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South who may lack institutional support. It covers the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the procedural rules of the COP. A significant portion of the guide is dedicated to negotiation theory, offering strategies for 'disadvantaged' negotiators to overcome resource gaps and power imbalances through coalition building, integrative negotiation techniques, and precise drafting skills.

The Fourth Conference of the Parties (COP-4) in Buenos Aires resulted in the 'Buenos Aires Plan of Action,' a work program with deadlines to resolve six key issues necessary for the Kyoto Protocol's implementation. While the talks were characterized by deadlock and high-level closed-door negotiations, significant developments included a breakthrough in Global Environment Facility (GEF) funding for developing countries and Argentina's decision to voluntarily commit to greenhouse gas emission reductions. However, deep divisions remained regarding the capping of Kyoto mechanisms and the formalization of technology transfer.

The document serves as a survival manual for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South. It details the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the operational mechanics of the COP. It provides practical advice on navigating formal and informal negotiation spaces, managing the challenges of 'hollow mandates,' and utilizing coalitions like the G-77 and China to increase bargaining power.

The document argues that providing explicit assurance of credit and banking for 'early action' (reductions between 1990 and 2007) is essential to overcome barriers for Canadian businesses and entrepreneurs. It proposes a two-step approach: first, providing credit for validated reductions to ensure participants are not penalized relative to non-participants, and second, allowing the banking of these credits for use against future obligations or for trading. The report details necessary infrastructure, including measurement protocols, a registry (potentially via the Voluntary Challenge and Registry office), and auditing standards, while drawing on models from the U.S. and Canadian pilot projects like GERT and PERT.

The document serves as a survival guide for climate change negotiators, detailing the scientific basis of the climate crisis, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the formal and informal structures of the UN process. It specifically addresses the structural disadvantages faced by negotiators from developing countries, such as 'hollow mandates' and limited coalition-forming power, and offers practical strategies for drafting, bargaining, and coping with the pressures of high-stakes diplomacy.

The paper examines the institutional friction between the WTO's unitary trade regime and the fragmented nature of international environmental regimes. It analyzes the specific negotiating mandate of the Doha Ministerial Declaration (DMD) paragraph 31 (ii), focusing on the differing perspectives of the US, EU, and Switzerland regarding how MEA secretariats should interact with WTO committees. The author argues that while information exchange is generally accepted, granting observer status is complex due to a lack of agreed-upon criteria and the diverse legal statuses of MEA secretariats.