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The document argues that Hong Kong serves as a critical hub for South African entry into China due to its free-market economy, legal framework, and logistics infrastructure. It examines the broader China-South Africa strategic partnership, noting that while trade has grown significantly, South Africa struggles with a trade imbalance and a lack of mineral beneficiation. The author suggests that while Hong Kong will remain a key gateway for at least ten years, South Africa should expand its diplomatic presence in other Chinese cities to maintain competitiveness as new regional hubs emerge.

The document analyzes the impasse of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and proposes a strategic negotiating stance for South Africa. It argues that South Africa should leverage concessions in the services sector to secure greater market access for agriculture and protect its industrial policy space through the NAMA carve-out, particularly considering its obligations within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).

China views BRICS as a platform to build peer group viewpoints and collectively reshape a global governance structure currently led by Western powers. While China seeks a multi-polar order based on fairness and justice, the document notes that BRICS faces challenges in setting a global agenda, evidenced by failures to agree on an IMF head candidate and the Libya issue. The author suggests that BRICS should focus on internal economic cooperation and a gradual approach to transforming the world order, with South Africa's membership expected to enhance development cooperation in Africa.

The document examines South Africa's role within the BRICS grouping, highlighting its potential to influence global governance and promote African developmental interests, such as the North-South infrastructure corridor. It notes that while BRICS provides a platform for emerging powers to address issues like climate change and the restructuring of international institutions, internal differences and the challenge of representing the broader African region may constrain its influence. Additionally, the author suggests South Africa can use the forum to attract investment and reduce business barriers, provided it improves its own domestic business environment.

The document examines the strategic importance of low-carbon technology for the EU, highlighting the risk of 'high carbon lock-in' if infrastructure decisions today commit economies to high-emissions pathways for 20-30 years. It argues that the current 20% emissions target is insufficient to drive the necessary scale and speed of innovation. The authors propose a 30% target by 2020 to provide certainty for investors and spur the deployment of technologies like electric vehicles and carbon capture and sequestration (CCS). The report also emphasizes the need for a system-wide risk management approach and increased international cooperation, particularly with China, the US, and Japan, to create integrated global markets and avoid protectionism.

The document analyzes the US engagement in Afghanistan, tracing the shift from a narrow focus on eliminating Al Qaeda and the Taliban to various military models, including the 'Afghan model', the 'American model', and counter-insurgency (COIN). It argues that despite adopting a 'comprehensive approach' at the 2006 Riga summit, US policy remained dominated by kinetic military operations, often alienating the local population and empowering warlords. The paper concludes that the militarization of policy and the use of military-led Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) limited the effectiveness of nation-building efforts.

The report examines South Africa's 2011–2012 tenure on the UN Security Council, highlighting the tension between its aspirations for permanent membership and the rigidities of the Ezulwini Consensus. It analyzes global power shifts, specifically the decline of US omnipotence and the rise of China, and identifies key thematic priorities for South Africa, including the UN-AU relationship on peacebuilding, the 'peace versus justice' debate regarding the ICC and Article 16, holistic counter-terrorism strategies, and nuclear non-proliferation. The document argues that South Africa must balance its identity as a global actor with its leadership role in Africa to effectively influence an anachronistic Council.

India faces a growing gap between energy demand and indigenous supply, projecting it will become the world's third largest energy consumer by 2030. To address this, India is implementing an integrated energy policy focusing on diversifying sources—including increased imports of high-quality coal from South Africa and oil from Africa—while expanding nuclear, hydropower, and renewable energy capacities. Significant challenges remain, including unreliable infrastructure, high transmission losses, and geopolitical tensions affecting pipeline viability.

The document analyzes how China can align its trade policies with a 'sustainable trade strategy' consisting of five core objectives: rebalancing the economy, increasing added value, promoting services, advancing Chinese brands/IP, and supporting a harmonious international trade architecture. It argues that while macroeconomic tools are best for rebalancing, other goals can be pursued through a mix of reciprocal trade agreements, soft-law initiatives, and unilateral measures. The authors suggest that in the near-to-medium term, China should prioritize regional dialogue-driven measures and soft-law agreements in East Asia, as well as ensuring compatibility with global climate change accords, rather than relying solely on the WTO, where progress is slower.

The document argues that the multilateral trading system is facing a period of impasse due to shifting global economic power and a lack of leadership from the US and EU. It suggests that the WTO's future lies in plurilateral agreements governed by a specific code of conduct to avoid marginalising poorer members. For South Africa, this shift necessitates a proactive strategy to manage stretched negotiating capacities and the formation of strategic alliances with other middle powers to protect African interests.

The document argues that agriculture is a critical but historically marginalized sector in climate negotiations, offering significant short-term greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction potential, particularly in developing nations. It reviews the status of UNFCCC negotiations, the Copenhagen Accord, and the Global Research Alliance on Agricultural Greenhouse Gases. The report highlights Canada's leadership in GHG accounting and soil carbon sequestration, suggesting that Canada can improve its international reputation by providing capacity building and technology transfer to regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia. It recommends establishing a dedicated agriculture and climate change fund and supporting an SBSTA programme of work to integrate agricultural mitigation into post-2012 climate agreements.

The document examines Canada's position as a major energy producer and the risks associated with its fragmented, province-led energy approach. It highlights the tension between Canada's traditional energy exports—particularly oil sands—and the global shift toward clean energy. The authors argue that a national strategy is essential to meet climate goals, protect trade interests (especially with the U.S.), and establish global leadership in technologies like carbon capture and storage (CCS). It also assesses the current 'patchwork' of international energy governance, including the roles of the IEA, IRENA, and trade agreements like NAFTA.

The report argues that while South America possesses vast energy resources, national regulations and a lack of multilateral frameworks prevent countries from achieving adequate energy security. It highlights that the region is well-positioned for a transition to a low-carbon economy but is hindered by a shift from an 'institutions-market' approach to an 'empire-regions' approach, where energy is used as a geopolitical tool. The author proposes the creation of a Multilateral Energy Security Reserve (RMSE) treaty to provide legal and pricing mechanisms for accessing regional reserves during supply crises. Brazil is identified as a key coordinator for this process due to its market size, oil resources, and leadership in renewables. Major obstacles to integration include the coordination of hydropower output, environmental licensing in the Amazon, and a legal deficit affecting private investment.

The author contends that the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) faces critical national security risks due to its inefficient use of fuel in the battlespace and its dependence on a vulnerable commercial electricity grid. To mitigate these, the document proposes two new strategic capabilities: 'Endurance,' which leverages energy efficiency to reduce the logistics 'tail' and increase combat effectiveness, and 'Resilience,' which utilizes onsite renewable microgrids to ensure mission continuity. The author advocates for a shift in metrics, specifically the use of the 'Fully Burdened Cost of Fuel' (FBCF), to incentivize the adoption of available technologies that could potentially reduce mobility-fuel requirements by two-thirds to three-fourths.

The executive summary proposes a four-component approach to climate cooperation: low-carbon development strategies, Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), international support mechanisms (financial, technical, and capacity-building), and quantitative reporting. It emphasizes that domestic ownership is essential for success and that international support should be demand-driven and tailored to specific sectoral needs to attract private investment and facilitate technology leapfrogging.

The document analyzes the creation of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM), which became fully operational on 1 October 2008. It argues that while the US intends to streamline military and diplomatic activities to address counter-terrorism and energy security, many Africans perceive it as a militarization of foreign policy. The paper details the shift from a fragmented command structure—where Africa was split between EUCOM, CENTCOM, and PACOM—to a unified command. It highlights the influence of Chinese economic and political growth in Africa as a driver for US strategic realignment. The author concludes that AFRICOM's effectiveness depends on the Obama administration's ability to prioritize diplomacy over brute force and avoid establishing permanent bases on African soil.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) assesses the impact of the 2009 global financial crisis on the Western liberal order and the African continent. The statement advocates for Africa to avoid protectionism and instead develop a 'global stimulus plan' focused on infrastructure and clean energy. It calls for a new South African white paper on post-transformation foreign policy that aligns national interests with domestic socio-economic needs. Finally, it identifies climate change as a critical threat to 'global public goods' that requires active African participation in finding sustainable development paths.

The report examines the intersection of climate change, national security, and sovereignty in the Arctic, focusing on Canada's strategic position. It notes that receding ice is opening new shipping lanes and resource opportunities, leading to increased military posturing among littoral states. While Canada has increased defence spending and planned infrastructure like the Diefenbaker icebreaker and bases at Resolute Bay and Nanisivik, the report argues that 'hard military power' is insufficient. Instead, it recommends that Canada leverage 'soft power' by leading in Arctic environmental management, engaging indigenous and northern communities in decision-making, and updating its Northern Foreign Policy to reflect current geopolitical realities.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs argues that South Africa's global credibility depends on its domestic stewardship and responsible leadership. The statement identifies key tests for the country, including maintaining institutional integrity and collaborating on global issues like climate change and poverty reduction. It emphasizes the need for African states to manage relations with emerging powers like China and India through good governance and to actively participate in the transition to a low-carbon economy.

The report contends that U.S. nuclear policy is outdated and increases the risk of accidental war or proliferation. It proposes ten unilateral actions, including reducing the arsenal to 1,000 warheads, ending rapid-launch options, and ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, to enhance national and international security.