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The report examines the nexus between youth employment and Climate Smart Agriculture (CSA) technology in Ghana. It finds a significant disconnect between national policy frameworks and the operational realities of youth-led startups, which face severe constraints in financing, regulatory compliance, and market adoption. While Indigenous knowledge is heavily integrated into product design, it lacks formal policy support and documentation. The study recommends streamlining business registration, operationalizing the National Green Jobs Strategy, and creating targeted financial and gender-inclusive support systems to scale CSA tech as a viable employment pathway for Ghanaian youth.

The research used an in-store experiment at Urban Deli in Stockholm to test the impact of carbon footprint labels on consumer behavior, utilizing the COM-B model. While the labels improved consumers' capability and opportunity to choose climate-friendly options, they did not successfully trigger the motivation required to change food choices. The authors suggest that labels may need to be paired with other interventions to effectively drive behavioral change, although they remain useful for increasing environmental knowledge.

The report finds that while identification and mobile money access for refugees in Uganda improved significantly due to policy changes, formal financial service adoption remains hindered by high transaction costs and long travel distances to agents. Refugees rely heavily on non-employment income and informal savings groups (ASCAs and ROSCAs), with a notable increase in cash kept at home for health emergencies. The COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately reduced refugee incomes and increased expenditures, particularly for food and medicine. The report recommends expanding branchless banking, improving digital and financial literacy, and introducing microinsurance and sustainable energy solutions to enhance refugee financial health.

The report finds that COVID-19 significantly reduced refugee incomes from employment and self-employment, leaving non-employment income as the primary source of support. While there is openness to digitizing savings groups to improve speed and safety, significant barriers remain, including low smartphone ownership, high transaction costs, and fears that digital tools may undermine group cohesion and meeting attendance.

The report evaluates how to communicate the link between anthropogenic climate change and extreme weather events, testing various phrasings for probability, frequency, intensity, and uncertainty. Findings indicate that while high-level decision makers often prefer technical percentages and 'probability' terms, the general public finds these confusing, preferring simpler terms like 'worse' or 'more often'. The study highlights significant translation challenges in Swahili and Hindi and recommends that attribution information be downscaled to high spatial resolutions and co-developed with local communication experts and trusted sources, such as national meteorological agencies.

The research finds that the location of natural resources relative to the conflict zone is critical to determining conflict severity. Gemstone mining and hydrocarbon production within a conflict zone are strongly associated with higher total combat deaths, with secessionist conflicts in hydrocarbon-rich regions being the most severe. Conversely, drug cultivation in the conflict zone and hydrocarbon production located outside the conflict zone are associated with lower combat deaths and reduced conflict intensity. The study concludes that resources influence severity by altering the incentives and organizational structures of both rebel groups and the state.

The report examines the challenges faced by former South African National Defence Force (SANDF) personnel and combatants from non-statutory forces (such as MK and APLA) as they transition to civilian life. Based on a survey of 307 former soldiers, it finds high unemployment rates, particularly among the youth, and a significant mismatch between the military skills of demobilised personnel and the demands of the South African labour market. The document argues that the demobilisation process was often dysfunctional for individuals, leading to poverty and disillusionment. It recommends a policy shift toward targeted reskilling, public-private partnerships, and the creation of specific Citizen Force units to provide sustainable employment and social reintegration.

The document examines the demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration (DD&R) process in Angola following the 2002 military victory of the government over UNITA. It highlights the immense humanitarian challenges, including over four million internally displaced persons, and the government's exclusive control over the DD&R process. The authors detail a research project conducted between 2003 and 2005 in the provinces of Huambo, Huíla, and Bié to assess how ex-combatants transition into civilian life within a context of weak state structures and shattered infrastructure.

The study argues that while rising food prices create economic grievances, these only translate into urban unrest if societal organizations—such as civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties—are present to provide mobilization structures and frame grievances. Using data from 41 African countries, the author finds that state repression of these organizations generally decreases the probability of unrest. Interestingly, the highest risk of unrest occurs in moderately repressive regimes that still allow some organizational activity, rather than in completely open societies, where citizens may prefer voting over protesting or where organizations provide alternative coping mechanisms.

The research examines the causal chain from formal (de jure) power-sharing institutions to peace, arguing that institutions operate primarily by inducing specific behavioral practices (de facto power-sharing). Using a global dataset of 180 countries from 1975 to 2010, the authors find that inclusive institutions increase the share of ethnic groups in government, which reduces the likelihood of rebellions by excluded groups but increases the risk of infighting among coalition partners. Dispersive institutions, such as federalism, are found to decrease the risk of ethnic conflict by increasing regional autonomy for minorities, although this effect is less statistically robust than that of inclusive institutions.