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Ghana is pursuing a nuclear power programme to support its goal of becoming a highly industrialised economy within four decades and to ensure a sustainable electricity supply as natural gas and oil reserves are predicted to be depleted by 2045. Despite a history of nuclear research and the operation of the Ghana Research Reactor-1 (GHARR-1) since 1994, the country has faced setbacks due to political instability and military coups. Current efforts are guided by the IAEA's Milestones Approach and Integrated Nuclear Infrastructure Review (INIR) missions, with the government aiming to incorporate nuclear energy by 2029.

Conservation corps in the United States employ youths, veterans, and seniors in environmental restoration and resilience projects. These programs, modeled after the New Deal-era Civilian Conservation Corps, provide workforce training in green skills while reducing federal land maintenance costs. Current efforts to expand these programs include President Biden's 2021 Civilian Climate Corps Initiative and various legislative proposals to increase national service positions and funding for reforestation and public land restoration.

The document traces the history of UN development goals from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the 2030 Agenda. It contrasts the MDGs, which focused on specific time-bound targets for poverty and health but lacked a multidimensional approach, with the SDGs, which are universal and integrated across social, economic, and environmental pillars. The briefing highlights the role of the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and the Paris Agreement in supporting the SDGs and argues that the 2030 Agenda provides a critical roadmap for recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic through inclusive and resilient growth.

The document analyzes French involvement in the Lebanese Civil War from 1975 to 1982. It argues that France's official policy of neutrality and its slogan of preserving Lebanon's "integrity, sovereignty and unity" were rhetorical masks for a struggle to balance conflicting alliances. France's role shifted from early mediation attempts, such as the Couve de Murville mission, to a tacit acceptance of Syrian intervention in 1976 to prevent a PLO victory. The study details France's participation in UNIFIL and the Multinational Force (MNF), its economic role in reconstruction, and the strain on its relationship with Maronite militias, who felt abandoned by Paris. The analysis concludes that France remained largely powerless to change the war's course, often acting in compliance with United States interests.

The document traces the history of international climate governance, highlighting the shift from the 'top-down' Kyoto Protocol to the 'bottom-up' Paris Agreement. It analyzes the central tension between ensuring universal participation and maintaining the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR). While the Paris Agreement achieved universality by allowing self-differentiation through Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the brief notes that current collective pledges are insufficient to limit warming to 1.5°C or 2°C, and that the regime's success depends on the ambition of major emitters.

The report traces the shift in international climate policy from the 'top-down' prescriptive approach of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, which targeted developed nations, to the 'bottom-up' participatory model of the 2015 Paris Agreement. It highlights the central role of the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR) principle and argues that while the Paris Agreement achieved universal participation, current national commitments remain insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C.

The document argues that while the world possesses sufficient global financial assets to fund sustainable development, a significant financing gap and a persistent digital divide hinder the achievement of the 2030 Agenda and the Paris Agreement. It traces the history of UN efforts from the 1972 Stockholm Declaration to the 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda, highlighting the critical need for technology transfer and financial mobilization for developing countries. The text notes that developed countries have struggled to meet the USD 100 billion annual climate finance goal and identifies barriers to technology diffusion, including intellectual property rights and insufficient absorptive capacities. It concludes by calling for better alignment between development cooperation and climate action to ensure financing does not undermine sustainable development.

The paper examines the gap between the de jure framework of decentralisation in South Africa and the practical realities in municipalities. It argues that while decentralisation aims to improve service delivery and accountability, it is often compromised by 'elite capture', capacity constraints, and the misuse of recentralisation mechanisms for political ends. Through case studies of Mogalakwena and Lephalale, the author demonstrates how provincial political battles and the legacy of private-sector 'company town' governance hinder the provision of basic public goods.

The 1972 Stockholm Conference marked the beginning of global environmental cooperation, introducing the concept of sustainable development and leading to the creation of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). Despite Cold War tensions and conflicts between industrialized and developing nations, the conference produced the Stockholm Declaration and Action Plan, which provided the first global principles for environmental law. Its legacy includes the democratization of environmental policy through NGO participation and the establishment of foundational treaties on marine pollution and biodiversity.

The 1972 Stockholm Conference marked the first UN event focused on the environment, establishing the Stockholm Declaration and the Stockholm Action Plan. It bridged the gap between developed and developing nations' priorities, paving the way for the concept of sustainable development and the creation of UNEP in Nairobi, Kenya. The conference also pioneered civil society participation in UN processes and catalyzed the creation of several global environmental treaties.

The report finds that global carbon emissions are starkly unequal, with the richest 10% of the population responsible for nearly half of all emissions in 2015. Between 1990 and 2015, the richest 10% accounted for 46% of the total growth in absolute emissions. The analysis shows a shift where within-country emissions inequality has risen while between-country inequality has fallen. Future projections suggest that even under more equal socio-economic scenarios, the poorest 50% of the population will have very limited access to the remaining global carbon budget, as the wealthiest groups have already depleted a disproportionate share.

The author contends that the existence of specific nuclear capabilities leads to the creation of contingency plans that can easily be executed, potentially bypassing political restraint. Citing the short interval between the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the text argues that technical capabilities and the routine work of war planners shape the conditions for nuclear use more than high-level policy. The author advocates for moving away from nuclear weapon types that are perceived as 'usable' or prone to miscalculation.

The report argues that the fossil fuel industry, specifically citing Exxon, knew about the warming effects of CO2 as early as the 1950s but spent millions on disinformation to obscure this reality. It asserts that the industry adopted the 'tobacco industry’s playbook' to attack scientific consensus, use fake experts, and promote logical fallacies to confuse the public. The document outlines the 'FLICC' framework (Fake experts, Logical fallacies, Impossible expectations, Cherry picking, and Conspiracy theories) to explain the techniques used in climate denial and proposes 'inoculation' as a method to neutralize these tactics by communicating facts, revealing sources, and explaining denialist techniques.

The document presents a collection of 36 internal and public documents from 1963 to 2017, detailing how the oil industry—specifically Exxon, Shell, Mobil, and the American Petroleum Institute (API)—understood the link between fossil fuels and global warming decades ago. It argues that despite internal consensus on the potential for 'catastrophic' impacts, these companies pivoted in the late 1980s to a strategy of manufacturing doubt, funding denier groups, and misleading the public and policymakers to protect their business models.

The document analyzes the relationship between the Turkish government under the AKP and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, Greece. It argues that Turkish policy shifted from a pro-Western, democratic approach in the early 2000s to a nationalist project that views the minority as a political tool for regional hegemony. This shift is linked to the 'Strategic Depth' ideology of Ahmet Davutoğlu and the domestic political needs of the AKP, leading to increased tensions with Greece, particularly after the 2016 coup attempt.

The document analyzes the historical shift in Turkey's relationship with Cyprus, moving from a period of 'national excitement' and securitization to a more paternalistic and neoliberal approach under the AKP government. It details how Turkish Cypriots, once seen as 'blood brothers', are increasingly perceived by some in Turkey as 'ungrateful' or 'degenerate' due to secularism and a perceived lack of religious identity. The authors also examine the role of Turkish settlers in north Cyprus, who have become targets of AKP diaspora politics, creating new political polarizations on the island.

The report 'A Crack in the Shell' by the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) uses internal documents to demonstrate that Royal Dutch Shell had early and urgent notice of climate risks associated with fossil fuels. It highlights a dichotomy between Shell's internal scientific understanding—which acknowledged the link between CO2 and global warming as early as the 1950s and 60s—and its public efforts to sow doubt through industry groups like the Global Climate Coalition and the American Petroleum Institute. The document further argues that Shell continues this pattern by promoting the 'Sky Scenario' to appear aligned with the Paris Agreement while continuing to invest in fossil fuel expansion, including in the Arctic.

The document examines two distinct coal transitions in Germany: the economically driven, subsidy-supported decline of hard coal in the Ruhr area from 1958 to 2018, and the politically driven reduction of lignite in East Germany following the 1990 reunification. It evaluates the effectiveness of various structural policies, including investment support, retraining programs, and the creation of universities and infrastructure, while highlighting the risks of 'lock-in' caused by powerful industry networks. The study concludes that a 'just transition' requires multi-level governance, stakeholder participation, and a comprehensive approach that addresses not only employment and the energy system but also soft location factors and environmental renaturation.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that since the 1950s, US automakers have consistently fought against fuel economy, emissions, and safety standards using 'scare tactics' and claims of technical infeasibility, despite later meeting or exceeding those same standards. While the industry collaborated with the federal government in 2009 to establish flexible standards that have since saved drivers nearly $50 billion, the report claims that industry trade groups are currently attempting to weaken these rules. The document calls for automakers to cease spreading disinformation and support strong, technology-forcing standards.

The report documents a 70-year history of 'intransigence' by US automakers, who repeatedly claimed that environmental and safety mandates were technically impossible or economically ruinous, only to implement the technologies once mandated. It details specific battles over the Clean Air Act, CAFE standards, and vehicle safety features like airbags, concluding that regulation has historically acted as a catalyst for innovation rather than a destroyer of the industry.