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The policy brief examines the disproportionate dominance of South Africa within SADC and proposes a model of 'regional champions'—member states taking lead roles in specific sectors—to foster more equitable regional integration. It analyses current power dynamics using economic, military, and diplomatic metrics, identifying potential leaders in industrialisation, infrastructure, and security. The author suggests that South Africa can reduce its regional hegemony and the associated accusations of 'bullying' by supporting a more distributed leadership structure based on the comparative advantages of other member states.

The document outlines the technical goals of COP23, focusing on the 'Rule Book' for the Paris Agreement, climate finance for developing countries, and the role of non-state actors. It analyzes how the US withdrawal has paradoxically strengthened international coalitions and spurred sub-national action within the US, while emphasizing Fiji's leadership in advocating for loss and damage and ocean governance.

The German G20 presidency focused on 'Shaping an Interconnected World' through initiatives like the Compact with Africa and the Marshall Plan for Africa, aimed at reducing investment risks and addressing migration root causes. However, the 2017 Hamburg summit faced significant tension due to US President Donald Trump's protectionist agenda and withdrawal from the Paris Climate Change Agreement. The author suggests that a broad G20 agenda—covering everything from tax cooperation to the 2030 Agenda—may help Chancellor Merkel find common ground with the US despite deep disagreements on trade and climate.

The report analyzes the shift in South African foreign policy from Thabo Mbeki's multilateralism and 'African Renaissance' to Jacob Zuma's focus on the BRICS grouping and bilateral relations. It argues that while BRICS membership was a pragmatic move, the Zuma era was marked by a decline in moral authority, domestic instability, and a disconnect between 'high politics' (pro-China/Russia) and 'low politics' (trade dominance of the EU and US). The author recommends that future leadership prioritize regional integration in Africa, develop regional value chains, and restore a commitment to a rules-based international system to drive domestic economic growth.

The paper analyzes the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS) of Ethiopia, which prioritizes domestic security and development over external concerns. While this approach has supported economic growth and regional mediation roles, the author argues it has led to strategic vulnerabilities, including a failure to secure sea access and an underestimation of threats from Eritrea and Egypt. The document recommends a more proactive, opportunity-based diplomatic approach to enhance regional trade and security.

The research paper examines the likelihood of Donald Trump implementing his campaign promises and the resulting implications for Africa. It suggests that while Trump's focus is domestic, his approach to the Paris Climate Change Agreement, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), and US aid programmes could vary from total withdrawal to minimal impact due to institutional constraints and bipartisan support in Congress. The author concludes that Africa may be overlooked by the administration, making it necessary for African nations to be united in their engagement with the US and to diversify relations with other global players.

The document analyzes Kenya's foreign policy across four presidencies, noting a historical tendency to 'punch below its weight' despite economic strength. It highlights a significant shift in 2011 with the military incursion into Somalia and the subsequent pan-African focus under Uhuru Kenyatta. The paper examines Kenya's role in regional integration through the EAC and LAPSSET project, its complex relations with South Africa, and the introduction of a new Foreign Policy Framework based on five pillars of diplomacy.

The author contends that the Russian leadership's 'imperial rationality' and aggression in Ukraine have invalidated previous EU hopes that economic cooperation would foster Russian democratization. The text highlights a lack of unity among EU member states, where some maintain ties with Russian energy entities while others impose restrictions. It argues that energy security requires moving beyond simple route diversification toward systemic energy efficiency and renewable energy to reduce financial, technological, and fuel dependencies, including those in the nuclear sector.

The research paper examines the 2013 Elysée Summit on Peace and Security, noting that despite institutional changes in France—such as the liquidation of the Africa Cell and the replacement of the ministry of cooperation with the ministry of development—France remains the primary military 'gendarme' in African conflicts. The author highlights recent interventions in Mali (Operation Serval) and the Central African Republic as evidence that France continues to fill security voids that African institutions cannot yet manage. The paper concludes that African powers, specifically South Africa and Nigeria, should redefine 'African solutions to African problems' to include external pivots and improve coordination through initiatives like the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The document examines China's approach to the green economy, noting a domestic consensus on the need for green transformation due to severe environmental degradation, while highlighting China's reluctance to accept mandatory international obligations that might hinder economic growth. It analyzes the 2012 G-20 summit in Mexico, where the concept of 'inclusive green growth' was introduced to balance environmental goals with the social and economic concerns of developing nations. The author argues that China's internal organizational framework—where the Ministry of Finance coordinates G-20 affairs but the Ministry of Environmental Protection is excluded—contributed to its lack of engagement with the G-20's green growth agenda. Ultimately, the paper suggests that while the G-20 process has not yet directly shaped Chinese national policy, increasing domestic pressure and international dialogue may eventually push China toward more active participation and acceptance of green obligations.

The document examines Kenya's strategic use of economic diplomacy to position itself as a regional hub for trade and finance in East Africa. It analyzes the interplay between Kenya's foreign policy, its membership in regional economic communities like the East African Community (EAC) and Comesa, and the domestic political risks—including the 2013 elections and ICC cases—that threaten its economic stability. The paper highlights Kenya's dominance in intra-EAC exports and its efforts to diversify its economy through infrastructure projects like the Lapsset corridor, while noting challenges such as corruption and non-tariff barriers.

The document argues that while the G-20 provides a more inclusive framework for global economic governance than the G-8, BRICS cooperation within it remains issue-based rather than institutionalized due to diverging national interests. It highlights that Brazil and South Africa share a reliance on soft power and a desire for institutional reform, which strengthens their bilateral alignment. The author identifies two primary areas for BRICS consensus in the G-20: the reform of international financial institutions like the IMF and a shift toward developmental issues. While the BRICS have successfully influenced the G-20 agenda and blocked certain industrialized-nation proposals, they struggle to speak with a single voice on trade and monetary policy.

The report examines the transition of Turkish foreign policy under the AKP from a non-interventionist stance to a pro-active 'zero problems with neighbours' approach. It argues that the Arab Spring, particularly the civil war in Syria, has forced a return to more pragmatic and security-oriented policies. A central theme is the 'existential fear of Kurdish separatism,' as autonomy in northern Iraq and Syria threatens Turkey's internal stability and reignites conflict with the PKK. While Turkey has achieved economic growth and a 'middle power' status, its soft power is undermined by domestic democratic deficiencies and the imprisonment of journalists and political opponents.

South Africa hosted COP 17 in 2011 with the goal of establishing legal guidelines for carbon emission reductions and advancing a post-2012 global climate regime. The document highlights the tension between developed and developing nations regarding binding targets, specifically the stalemate over the Kyoto Protocol. South Africa aims to act as a bridge-builder, championing African agency and adaptation needs while coordinating with the BASIC alliance. Domestically, the document notes that South Africa must finalize policies on carbon taxes and renewable energy tariffs to lead by example, as it is the world's 13th highest greenhouse-gas emitter.

The document examines the evolution of South–South co-operation through the lens of the BRIC and IBSA forums. It argues that while these emerging powers have the potential to challenge neo-liberal globalisation and shift global governance toward a multipolar world, they must move beyond rhetoric to adopt inclusive mechanisms that prioritise the development interests of Africa and the broader South to avoid becoming a 'rich man’s club'.

The document argues that while the Lisbon Treaty streamlines the EU's internal bureaucracy and foreign policy apparatus, it is likely to result in Africa commanding less attention on the EU's strategic agenda. The author suggests that the EU's focus will shift toward the Western Balkans, the Middle East, and emerging powers, while its ability to provide development aid may be constrained by the Eurozone financial crisis. Consequently, the brief recommends that African leaders diversify their economic and diplomatic partnerships beyond the EU, specifically by strengthening South-South cooperation with countries such as China, India, Brazil, and Russia.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs reviews the 2009-2010 period, highlighting South Africa's influence in the G20 and the BASIC group during the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It discusses the need for reform in Bretton Woods institutions and the challenges of democratic stability in Africa, specifically in Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sudan. The statement also outlines President Zuma's prioritisation of bilateral relations with Angola, Brazil, and the UK, and the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The BASIC group—comprising Brazil, South Africa, India, and China—leverages its collective economic and geopolitical weight to advocate for developing country interests in climate negotiations, specifically demanding that industrialised countries bear primary responsibility for emission reductions and funding. While the group presents a 'common front' and aligns with the G77, it faces internal tensions due to vastly different domestic realities: China's superpower status, India's low per capita emissions, Brazil's focus on land-use emissions, and South Africa's coal-dependent energy sector. The brief suggests that while the group provides political shelter and leverage, its cohesion will be tested as negotiations move toward finer technical details and as South Africa prepares to host COP17.

The document examines Brazil's shift toward a more ambitious, multi-polar foreign policy under President 'Lula' da Silva, characterized by a desire for UN Security Council reform, strengthened South-South cooperation, and a proactive role as a democratic stabilizer in South America.

Deputy Minister Ebrahim discusses the necessity of consolidating an 'African Agenda' to address global common challenges, including poverty, food insecurity, and climate change. He argues for the strategic importance of South-South Co-operation and engagement with emerging powers like China, Brazil, and India to counter the dominance of Northern countries in the international system. The speech emphasizes the role of the African Union, NEPAD, and the African Economic Community in fostering regional integration and socio-economic development, while calling for the international community to honor commitments made to Africa, such as the Millennium Development Goals.