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The policy brief highlights how investment contracts—often overlooked in favor of treaty reforms—can create regulatory restrictions and financial losses for states. It identifies risks from outdated stabilization clauses and tax incentives, and notes a rise in contract-based investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) cases. The authors propose a three-pronged national strategy: strengthening inter-ministerial coordination, creating centralized contract inventories, and developing national model contracts aligned with international sustainability standards.

The document argues that African diplomacy at the UN is evolving into a distinct form of realpolitik that blends enduring values with strategic calculation. This approach is evidenced by voting patterns on conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine, where states use abstentions to maintain strategic autonomy. The brief highlights key institutional gains, such as the AU's permanent G20 seat and UN Security Council Resolution 2719 for financing AU-led peace operations, while noting that challenges in coordination, capacity, and consistency persist. Ultimately, it posits that Africa uses moral and legal narratives not to cloak domination, but to resist it and negotiate influence within an asymmetrical international system.

The report examines the governance of copper and lithium in Chile, highlighting a significant gap between international sustainability principles and territorial realities. Through case studies in Tarapacá and Antofagasta, it identifies critical failures in indigenous participation, water management, and the equitable distribution of mining royalties. While the 2023 National Lithium Strategy is noted as a step toward state control and sustainability, the document argues that a just transition requires binding community participation, transparent fiscal management, and regional economic diversification to avoid reproducing historical extractivist inequalities.

The document examines energy storage as a structural resource for flexibility in Latin American electrical systems facing high penetration of variable renewable energy. It highlights that while Chile leads in battery deployment to manage curtailment, other countries like Colombia, Peru, and Brazil are at earlier stages, often focusing on reliability or specific industrial uses. The report argues that the primary barriers to deployment are institutional and regulatory rather than technological, and recommends shifting from a capacity-focused approach to a functional one that prioritizes specific flexibility needs.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that the Trump administration has granted Clean Air Act exemptions to over one-third of 546 eligible industrial facilities, including coal plants and chemical manufacturers. This policy affects nearly 4.6 million people and over 4,300 schools and daycares, with a disproportionate impact on communities already facing high environmental and social stressors. The administration utilized a national emergency provision in March 2025 to allow a two-year exemption, which the EPA intends to make permanent.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) welcomes the introduction of a licensing regime and personal liability for directors in the Water Services Amendment Bill [B24 – 2025] but warns that the Bill concentrates too much power in the Director General and lacks mandatory environmental and public health standards for licensing. The CER argues that the Bill fails to address systemic under-funding of infrastructure and climate-change resilience, and it calls for the inclusion of mandatory climate-adaptation plans and a national framework for wastewater reuse.

The document provides a comprehensive critique of the South African food system, highlighting how historical land dispossession and post-apartheid deregulation have led to extreme corporate concentration and persistent food insecurity. It advocates for a transition toward agroecology and food sovereignty, emphasizing the need for secure land tenure—particularly for women—and the realignment of social grants to meet the food poverty line. The submission also details the 'triple burden' of malnutrition affecting children and the increasing risks posed by climate change to a water-scarce agricultural sector.

The report details a three-day workshop involving civil society, labour, and producers to analyze the intersection of climate change and South Africa's food system. It critiques mainstream 'climate-smart' technical fixes, advocating instead for transformative alternatives like agroecology, land reform, and seed sovereignty. The document provides a framework for engaging with the Climate Change Act 22 of 2024, specifically through the National Adaptation Strategy and Plan (NASP) and Sector Adaptation Plans, to ensure that climate policy addresses structural inequalities and supports marginalized food system actors.

The 2026 National Budget is criticized for maintaining austerity measures, reducing non-interest spending by R5.2 billion in 2026/27, and failing to address chronic food insecurity and unemployment. The document highlights that real spending on public services, including education and healthcare, is declining, while tax relief is skewed toward higher-income earners. It further critiques the second Gender Budget Statement for being peripheral to fiscal decision-making and failing to address the structural vulnerabilities of female-headed households.

The Strait of Hormuz is a critical global energy chokepoint through which approximately 20% of the world's oil and LNG flows. Japan, South Korea, India, and China are the most exposed, collectively accounting for 75% of oil and 59% of LNG flows through the route. Japan is identified as the most at-risk country due to its extreme reliance on imported fossil fuels. A blockade could trigger global price surges, potentially pushing oil to USD 130 or even USD 300 per barrel. The document suggests that transitioning to renewables and electrification, as seen in Europe's response to the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, is essential to mitigate these geopolitical risks.

The document proposes tripartite contracts to address high electricity prices and market volatility in Europe, which currently hinder industrial decarbonisation. By placing a public contracting entity between clean energy generators and industrial consumers, these agreements aim to provide long-term revenue certainty for developers and fixed price certainty for industries. The brief highlights that while technologies for low- to medium-heat processes are ready, market gaps and electricity taxation remain barriers. It notes that the European Commission is developing such agreements for offshore wind, grids, and storage, drawing on practices from Spain, France, and Italy.

The research paper examines the transition of trade-related climate measures from abstract policy debates to concrete implementation between 2025 and early 2026. It highlights the role of the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the EU Deforestation Regulation as primary drivers of international tension. The authors analyze discussions within the WTO's Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) and the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD), as well as new initiatives established at COP 30 in Brazil, including the 'Mutirão' technical dialogues and the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade (IFCCT). The paper argues that MC14 serves as a critical moment for consolidating these debates around transparency, interoperability, and development support.

The paper examines the disconnect between trade and climate policies, which hinders the distribution of adaptation technologies to the Global South. It defines adaptation technology through three pillars—hardware, software, and orgware—and emphasizes that these tools are highly site-specific. The author identifies three primary challenges: a shallow understanding of adaptation among trade policy-makers, trade barriers such as high tariffs, and siloed discussions between the WTO and UNFCCC. To resolve this, the document recommends involving trade experts in National Adaptation Plan (NAP) and Technology Needs Assessment (TNA) processes, reducing trade barriers, leveraging regional agreements, and supporting South-South cooperation.

The document highlights the role of China's industrial parks as critical drivers of the energy transition, noting that they host 80 percent of industrial enterprises and consume about one-third of national energy. It discusses the emergence of zero-carbon industrial parks as a means to accelerate clean-energy deployment and industrial upgrading. Additionally, it notes China's expansion of sustainable industrial parks internationally, particularly in Asia and Africa, as a vehicle for international cooperation and the deployment of low-carbon technologies.

The document analyzes the tension between existing WTO trade rules and the needs of countries to secure critical minerals for the energy transition. It argues that current 'critical minerals diplomacy'—characterized by non-binding sectoral partnerships among developed nations—creates power asymmetries and 'selective delegalization' that disadvantage producer economies. The author suggests that the WTO could serve as a more neutral platform for a plurilateral critical minerals initiative or a code of best practices to balance supply-side industrialization goals with demand-side security needs.

The document argues that the multilateral system, particularly the UN Security Council, is experiencing a 'rupture' characterized by paralysis and legitimacy deficits. While the AU seeks immediate structural changes—including permanent seats and veto power—the EU generally favors gradual procedural reforms. Despite these differences, the briefing identifies key areas of convergence: improving UNSC working methods, strengthening EU-AU-UN cooperation, and implementing UN Resolution 2719 to provide predictable financing for AU-led peace operations. It suggests that both continents must move beyond rhetorical alignment toward tangible delivery to maintain influence in a fragmented geopolitical order, especially given the US's increasing disengagement from international organizations.

The document critiques the current Ghana-Germany relationship as being over-specialised in skills diffusion (TVET) and SME support, which it deems structurally irrelevant to Ghana's ambitious 24-Hour Economy (24HE) initiative. It contrasts this with the early post-colonial era (1950s-1970s) when the partnership focused on industrial diplomacy, plant construction, and technology transfer. The author argues that Ghana's current needs—industrial corridors, logistics synchronisation, and capacity maximisation—require a 'vanguardist' model where industrial spearheads are built first to create the demand for skills, rather than the current 'platform-first' approach of training before industrial uptake. The paper proposes a 'Ghana-Germany Youth Employment & Value-Chain Compact' to target 200,000 youth placements across five priority value chains over three years, integrating German strengths in automation, standards, and energy systems with Ghanaian industrial goals.

The briefing discusses the systemic nature of climate disinformation, driven by the public relations industry and Big Tech algorithms for profit. It highlights Spain's initiative to hold digital platforms and executives legally accountable for the algorithmic amplification of illegal content and disinformation. The text also notes the European Union's endorsement of the UN Declaration on Information Integrity on Climate Change and the implementation of fossil fuel advertising bans in cities like The Hague, Amsterdam, and Florence as models for protecting the public from corporate-driven deception.

The policy brief examines the critical juncture facing the World Trade Organization (WTO) ahead of the 14th Ministerial Conference (MC14) in Yaoundé, Cameroon. While the 2022 Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (Fish 1) established a historic first step by prohibiting subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, it does not address the structural causes of overcapacity. The author argues that the upcoming MC14 must restore momentum for 'Fish 2'—additional disciplines targeting broader overfishing—to avoid the risk of the entire 2022 agreement terminating under its sunset clause by September 2029.

The document analyzes the tension between the multilateral Work Programme on Electronic Commerce (WPEC) and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on E-Commerce. It highlights the conflict over the moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, where developing countries fear revenue loss and policy constraints, while other members push for a permanent ban on such duties. The author outlines the stakes for MC14, including the potential incorporation of the JSI Agreement into the WTO framework and the future of the WPEC.