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Trend Asia criticizes the 2024 vice-presidential candidates for offering technical 'gimmicks' rather than substantive solutions for grassroots issues. The organization argues that the candidates' visions for energy transition and sustainable development remain rooted in extractivism, ignore the legal and social vulnerabilities of local communities, and rely on 'false solutions' like CCUS and geothermal energy while failing to address the structural causes of the climate crisis and the harms of the coal industry.

The report details the 'destructive power' of the nickel industry in North Maluku, specifically across Weda Bay, Gebe Island, Buli Bay, Subaim-Wasile, and Obi Island. It highlights a paradox where the province's economic growth exceeds 20% due to nickel exports, while poverty increases and local livelihoods—such as fishing and farming—are destroyed. Key impacts include severe deforestation, water contamination with heavy metals (hexavalent chromium, nickel, and copper), and a surge in Acute Respiratory Infection (ARI) cases near coal-fired power plants. The document also records numerous industrial accidents at PT IWIP and the criminalization of residents resisting mining. It concludes that the 'clean energy transition' via electric vehicle batteries is built on an 'unclean and unjust' production chain.

The report details the destructive effects of nickel mining in North Maluku, highlighting severe deforestation, water pollution, and health crises. It contrasts high GDP growth driven by nickel exports with rising poverty and the loss of traditional livelihoods in farming and fishing. Specific case studies in Teluk Weda, Pulau Gebe, Teluk Buli, Subaim-Wasile, and Pulau Obi illustrate a pattern of corporate negligence, labor accidents, and state-backed land seizures.

The briefing highlights the negative environmental and social impacts of critical mineral extraction in Argentina, Indonesia, and Guinea, arguing that the UN Secretary-General's Panel on Critical Energy Transition Minerals must center the voices of affected communities to avoid 'green extractivism'. It documents issues such as the violation of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) in lithium mining, pollution and labor abuses in nickel downstreaming, and the loss of agricultural land in bauxite mining. The document concludes with recommendations for governments and companies to protect indigenous rights, ensure transparency in GHG emissions, and end the criminalization of environmental defenders.

The document reveals that between 2015 and 2023, the Indonesian government distributed approximately Rp179 trillion in biodiesel subsidies to 29 companies across 15 corporate groups, with a heavy concentration of funds among a few large entities. It identifies 17 Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs)—including former high-ranking police, military, and judicial officials—within the ownership or management structures of these groups, specifically highlighting Jhonlin Group, Sinar Mas, and Wilmar. The report argues that the presence of PEPs may influence the allocation of subsidies and suggests a lack of transparency in the mandatory biodiesel program, while noting that the industry remains dominated by large palm oil corporations despite the subsidies being funded by export levies from the broader palm oil sector.

The policy brief argues that existing coal retirement mechanisms (CRMs) in Asia and Africa, such as Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), are failing due to insufficient funding, reliance on non-concessional loans, and lack of transparency. To address these failures, the authors propose ten principles. These include aligning phaseouts with 1.5°C pathways, immediately stopping all coal expansion finance, replacing coal only with sustainable renewables, and prohibiting the use of tradeable carbon offsets. The brief emphasizes that financing must be concessional to avoid increasing national debt and that the process must include social and environmental remediation for affected communities and workers.

The report argues that technical assistance (TA) from the World Bank Group (WBG) and Asian Development Bank (ADB) creates a 'paradox' by facilitating fossil gas dependency while the institutions claim to align with the Paris Agreement. Between 2016 and August 2023, the WBG allocated nearly $200 million in TA for gas-related sectors across 14 countries, while the ADB committed nearly $11 million from 2016 to 2021. The authors contend that TA has a disproportionate impact on national energy strategies, often locking countries into carbon-intensive infrastructure and creating stranded asset risks. Case studies in Bangladesh, Vietnam, and Pakistan illustrate how TA has been used to prepare LNG projects or gas storage systems rather than accelerating renewable energy transitions. The report recommends that all energy-sector TA be approved at the Board level and redirected toward enhancing Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and renewable energy infrastructure.

The report examines the social and environmental risks associated with the surge in demand for transition minerals like nickel, lithium, and cobalt. It criticizes current IFI approaches, such as the World Bank's 'climate-smart mining,' for treating environmental and social governance (ESG) as commercial risks rather than human rights imperatives. Through case studies in Indonesia, Guinea, Argentina, and the DRC, the document illustrates harms including forced evictions, water scarcity, and corruption. It proposes solutions centered on reducing mineral demand through circular economy models, implementing binding due diligence, and supporting mineral sovereignty for resource-rich countries in the Global South.

The document critiques the lack of transparency in the development of Indonesia's Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) investment plan, noting that the Comprehensive Investment Policy and Plan (CIPP) was not released to the public as scheduled, thereby limiting public participation and feedback.

The document is a petition addressed to Enviva leadership, alleging that the company's operations destroy 175,000 acres of Southern forests annually and release toxic pollution and wood dust into surrounding communities. The signatories demand immediate actions, including the installation of dust control plans, the cessation of nighttime operations, a halt to sourcing from bottomland hardwood forests, and the establishment of a 'Good Neighbor Fund' to provide air purifiers and health centers for impacted residents. Furthermore, the petition calls for Enviva to stop claiming wood pellets are clean energy, cease taking government subsidies, and halt production expansion.

The Asia Pacific Regional Biomass Working Group urges the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to cease support for wood bioenergy and the 'repurposing' of coal plants, arguing that biomass co-firing extends the life of coal infrastructure and causes severe ecological and social harm. The group highlights that in Indonesia, PT PLN's co-firing strategy could require 2.33 million hectares of energy plantations, potentially leading to 2.1 million hectares of deforestation annually. The letter demands that ADB recognize bioenergy as contradictory to coal phase-out goals, divest from wood biomass projects, and identify the sector as high-risk.

Over 200 civil society organisations and trade unions have called on UN member states to adopt a draft resolution proposed by the Africa Group to create a comprehensive UN Tax Convention. The signatories argue that the current international tax system is biased against developing countries and fails to prevent illicit financial flows. They advocate for a legally binding, Member State-led agreement to be completed by June 2025, which would address digital economy taxation, progressive taxation, and the link between international tax cooperation and global crises, including environmental and health emergencies.

The report argues that the IFC continues to support coal development in Asia by investing in financial intermediaries, most notably the Postal Savings Bank of China. This mechanism allows the IFC to bypass its public commitments to halt coal financing, resulting in indirect support for 68.3 GW of coal-fired power capacity across China, Indonesia, and Cambodia. The document highlights the Jambi 2 project in Indonesia as a primary example of this 'loophole,' detailing the environmental and health impacts of coal mining and power generation on local communities in Jambi province.

The report details the environmental and social impacts of the Obi Island Nickel Industrial Estate, operated by Trimegah Bangun Persada (TBP), and traces the indirect funding from the IFC via banks like OCBC NISP, DBS Bank, and KEB Hana. It highlights severe pollution, biodiversity loss, and the use of captive coal power plants that contradict the IFC's climate commitments.

The report details the environmental and social degradation of Obi Island caused by the nickel industrial park operated by Trimegah Bangun Persada (TBP) and its subsidiaries. It specifically criticizes the IFC for providing funding to financial intermediaries—OCBC NISP, DBS Bank Ltd, and KEB Hana—which in turn finance TBP's operations. The author highlights that these operations rely on captive coal-fired power plants, which the report claims contradicts the IFC's Paris Agreement alignment and its own Performance Standards. Documented impacts include heavy metal contamination of marine biota, drinking water pollution exceeding Indonesian safety standards, high rates of Acute Respiratory Infection in children, and the displacement of local communities.

The document critiques the implementation of the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in Indonesia, highlighting a lack of transparency in the Comprehensive Investment and Policy Plan (CIPP) and the persistence of 'false solutions' like coal co-firing and carbon capture. It argues that for a transition to be truly 'just,' it must incorporate four pillars of justice—recognition, distributive, procedural, and restorative—and specifically address the vulnerability of workers in the coal sector. The report recommends legally binding emission targets, the removal of 'take-or-pay' electricity contracts, and the decentralization of renewable energy development to empower local governments and communities.

The report argues that the IMF's economic surveillance of Colombia and Indonesia reveals significant 'blind spots' regarding the green transition. It finds that the IMF prioritizes austerity and market-based pricing mechanisms over green industrial policies and fails to adequately quantify long-term climate risks or the financing needs for adaptation and mitigation. The authors call for a systematic integration of climate issues into policy recommendations, better sequencing of fiscal advice, and wider engagement with civil society.

Indonesian and international CSOs are calling on global fashion brands to phase out both fossil fuels and biomass energy, arguing that biomass is a 'false solution' that drives deforestation and violates human rights. The letter highlights that brands like H&M, Puma, Adidas, and Inditex are promoting biomass in Southeast Asia despite its high emissions and negative impacts on biodiversity and local communities. The authors argue that woody biomass can generate more CO2 per kilowatt hour than coal and risk the loss of over 2 million hectares of natural forest in Indonesia.

Indonesian NGOs and international think tanks are calling on global fashion brands to stop using biomass as a 'low carbon' alternative to fossil fuels. They argue that biomass leads to deforestation, violates indigenous rights, and produces high emissions, specifically citing the risks to the Leuser ecosystem and the flaws in carbon accounting used by the Indonesian government and companies like H&M, Puma, Adidas, and Inditex.

The report alleges that government officials pushing for the Rempang Eco City project—specifically the establishment of a Xinyi Glass solar panel factory—may have business affiliations with solar power plant (PLTS) projects in Batam. It argues that these two PSNs form a business ecosystem where officials' affiliated companies would be potential buyers of the panels produced in Rempang. Additionally, the report claims that PT MEG, a manager of Rempang Eco City, is likely a shell company linked to a tax haven in the British Virgin Islands. The document also notes human rights violations and community resistance, including the use of tear gas against children during protests on September 7, 2023.