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The review of Jacob Zuma's presidency highlights a period of economic decline characterized by low GDP growth, high unemployment, and state-owned enterprise debt. While the administration saw successes in renewable energy investment via the Independent Power Producers Procurement Programme and international acclaim for its HIV/Aids response, it was marred by corruption, state capture, and investor-unfriendly policies in mining and land expropriation. The presidency also shifted diplomatic focus toward China and the BRICS grouping, though this came at the expense of other strategic partnerships.

The document highlights a critical gap between the growing youth population in Africa and the creation of formal jobs, noting that only three million formal jobs are created annually against 10-12 million new entrants. It argues that structural hurdles—including poor education quality, lack of infrastructure for SMEs, and non-recognition of tertiary qualifications across borders—perpetuate youth unemployment and drive irregular migration to Europe. While citing positive regional examples in agro-processing, tourism, and tech hubs, the author calls for long-term sustainable policies and a shift in AU-EU relations toward legal circular migration pathways rather than a primary focus on security.

This briefing discusses the developmental implications of e-commerce negotiations at the 11th WTO Ministerial Conference (MC11), advising African and developing countries on how to navigate rules regarding transparency, data flows, and regional digital strategies.

The document examines the tension between developed nations pushing for binding e-commerce rules and developing nations, particularly in Africa, who prioritize the Doha Development Agenda. It categorizes proposals into 'less controversial' facilitative measures and 'more controversial' rules regarding data localization and source code transfers. The author argues that while e-commerce offers significant opportunities for micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) by reducing information costs, digital protectionist tools like data localization are often costly and ineffective. The paper recommends that African negotiators take a precautionary approach at MC11, potentially trading e-commerce concessions for gains in other development priorities, and suggests pursuing regional strategies for digital integration.

The document analyzes how economic globalization and trade impact in-country inequality and social inclusion, arguing that while trade is often blamed for rising inequality, other factors like technology and political economy play more significant roles. It discusses the tension between national sovereignty for social cohesion and the multilateral rules-based order of the WTO. The author suggests that the WTO must adapt through incremental, plurilateral negotiations to remain relevant and avoid a return to mercantilist 'beggar thy neighbour' policies, while advising the South African government to balance its need for policy space with the preservation of the multilateral system.

The document analyzes the deteriorating relationship between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the African Union (AU), specifically focusing on the politicization of the court through UN Security Council referrals in Sudan and Libya. It argues that the AU's preference for political stability and peace-building often clashes with the ICC's judicial mandate. To resolve this, the author suggests a shift toward 'positive complementarity' and the use of hybrid courts, citing the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC) in Senegal as a successful model for bringing justice closer to victims and respecting state sovereignty while combating impunity.

The research paper examines the persistent issue of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers, particularly in conflict-affected regions of Africa. It highlights how power imbalances and poverty drive transactional sex and notes that legal hurdles, such as Status of Force Agreements (SOFAs), often shield perpetrators from prosecution by leaving jurisdiction with home countries. The paper details the UN's response through Resolution 1325 and Resolution 2272, the latter of which empowers the Secretary-General to repatriate troops and requires member states to report on investigations. It concludes that while reforms under Secretary-General António Guterres provide an opportunity for improvement, success depends on sustained political will and balancing troop deployment needs with stringent vetting.

The paper argues that despite Kenya's strong economic performance as a regional hub, the 2017 elections exposed deep-seated vulnerabilities in its democratic institutions and a persistent reliance on ethnically based identity politics. While the Supreme Court's initial annulment of the election results was seen as a victory for the separation of powers, subsequent political brinkmanship by leaders Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga led to contested results and reported deaths. The author concludes that economic growth alone is insufficient to ensure stability, and that Kenya requires inclusive development and strengthened institutions to move beyond ethnic polarization.

The briefing highlights the potential of urbanisation to improve lives through innovative governance and decentralisation. It uses examples from Nordic cities, Asia, and North America to demonstrate how city-level action can bypass national delays in implementing SDGs. For Africa, the text suggests that adapting these global urban successes to local contexts—while addressing specific challenges like poverty and instability—can catalyse sustainable development.

The document analyzes the intersection of G20 economic governance and African development priorities. It finds a strong alignment between the UN 2030 Agenda, AU Agenda 2063, and recent G20 initiatives, particularly in infrastructure, food security, and energy. However, it highlights significant gaps in the implementation of these goals and criticizes the 'Compact with Africa' for lacking sufficient African consultation and failing to address diverse national contexts. The authors recommend that South Africa and other G20 members better resource AU and NEPAD representation and create stronger linkages between isolated G20 initiatives for Africa.

The paper analyzes the UN's efforts to create global frameworks for migration and refugee management via the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) and the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR). It highlights that while the GCR benefits from established international law and the leadership of the UNHCR, the GCM is a more politicized, state-led process lacking a foundational legal base. The author expresses concern over the minimal participation of African states and the African Union in the GCM process, arguing that this lack of engagement may lead to a framework that favors Global North interests, such as border security and return policies, over the socio-economic needs and mobility of African citizens.

The document examines the historical transition of AU–EU relations from the 1963 Yaoundé Convention through the Lomé Convention and Cotonou Agreement to the current Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES). It argues that despite institutional efforts to create an equal partnership, the EU continues to set the agenda and financial scope, maintaining a dependency model. The brief highlights key priorities for the November 2017 Abidjan Summit, including youth employment, migration, and energy grid investment, while recommending that the AU take a more proactive role in agenda-setting and pursue self-financing mechanisms to reduce donor reliance.

The document analyzes the divergent priorities between the EU, which focuses on stemming irregular migration and border control, and African nations, which prioritize development, employment, and legal mobility. It critiques the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF) for using aid conditionality to secure readmission agreements and argues that a lack of AU consensus, combined with restrictive bilateral agreements, hinders a coherent continental approach to migration.

The document evaluates the progress of WTO commitments made at the 10th Ministerial Conference (MC10) in Nairobi, specifically regarding agriculture and least-developed countries (LDCs). It highlights significant implementation gaps, such as the lack of a permanent solution for public stockholding for food security and the slow pace of eliminating agricultural export subsidies. The paper notes a fundamental disagreement between developed and developing nations over whether to prioritize the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) or introduce new 21st-century trade issues. For South Africa, the authors recommend aligning with the Africa Group on regional integration and industrialization, supporting the G33 proposal on public stockholding, and backing the ACP proposal on fisheries subsidies to support its own ocean economy.

The document analyzes the challenges and opportunities for expanding electricity access in Tanzania, focusing on the role of the private sector and the AfDB. It highlights the financial instability of the national utility, TANESCO, and the impact of recurring droughts on hydropower. The paper argues for a shift toward renewable energy and the development of a local renewable energy value chain to support industrialization and rural access.

The document outlines the technical goals of COP23, focusing on the 'Rule Book' for the Paris Agreement, climate finance for developing countries, and the role of non-state actors. It analyzes how the US withdrawal has paradoxically strengthened international coalitions and spurred sub-national action within the US, while emphasizing Fiji's leadership in advocating for loss and damage and ocean governance.

The OR Tambo Children's Declaration 2017 is a statement by children and youth committing to the values of OR Tambo and the implementation of the United Nations Global Goals for Sustainable Development.

The O.R Tambo Children's Declaration outlines a youth-led vision for Southern Africa, focusing on the implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. It calls for a transition to renewable energy, the adoption of sustainable agricultural practices to combat food insecurity and climate change, and the expansion of quality education and healthcare, particularly in rural areas. The declaration also emphasizes social justice, gender equality, and the need for improved basic infrastructure to ensure human dignity.

The paper examines the shift toward 'country ownership' in environmental and social (E&S) safeguards, where MDBs increasingly allow borrowing nations to use their own national systems. Through case studies of South Africa's Medupi Power Station and Ethiopia's road sector, the authors analyze the tension between MDB technical standards and national development priorities. While South Africa is presented as a model of high legislative alignment, Ethiopia illustrates challenges including capacity gaps, limited civil society participation, and the influence of non-traditional funders like China. The paper argues for a move from prescriptive standards to results-based implementation, recommending country-specific 'E&S safeguards plans,' enhanced regional capacity building, and a greater role for national development finance institutions (DFIs).

The report argues that President Donald Trump's early presidency was marked by a lack of interest in Africa, a disregard for multilateralism, and leadership traits reminiscent of autocrats, which strained US–Africa relations. It highlights the risks posed by proposed budget cuts to foreign assistance, the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and the erosion of democratic norms. However, it also suggests that domestic resistance to Trump in the US and a push for greater African self-reliance could lead to a democratic reconsolidation and more resilient partnerships.