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The document examines South Africa's position within BRICS ahead of its 2023 chairship, highlighting the tension between its democratic values and the geopolitics of larger members like Russia and China. It evaluates the success of 'multi-track diplomacy' through institutions like the New Development Bank and the BRICS Vaccine Research and Development Centre, while noting that domestic crises—including energy instability and economic recovery—hinder South Africa's ability to fully leverage the partnership for national growth.

The document examines the clash between the rural African donkey market, where the animal is a vital workhorse for the poor, and the lucrative Chinese market for ejiao (donkey-hide glue). It highlights how explosive demand in China has led to donkey shortages, illicit smuggling, and severe welfare abuses, which in turn diminish the socio-economic mobility of rural Africans, particularly women and girls. The author argues that the current unregulated trade risks damaging China-Africa relations and suggests implementing sustainability certifications, breeding programs, and a distinction between medicinal and wellness-based ejiao consumption to ensure a sustainable supply chain.

The document argues that South Africa's transition from a carbon-intensive, coal-dependent economy to green energy requires a strategic focus on skills development within the TVET ecosystem. Given the country's high unemployment rate of 35.3% and the potential for job losses in fossil-fuel industries, the report emphasizes a 'just transition' that utilizes reskilling, economic diversification, and social welfare to protect vulnerable workers while preparing the workforce for new technological revolutions, including 4IR technologies.

The document assesses the impact of Chinese infrastructure funding and construction in the Global South, specifically comparing experiences in Africa and Southeast Asia. It identifies systemic failures in transparency, land acquisition, and long-term sustainability planning, while noting that Chinese contractors often follow the 'host country principle' of adhering to local norms. The brief argues that while China is shifting toward 'green development' and smaller projects due to debt distress and domestic policy changes, the primary responsibility for higher ESG standards lies with recipient governments. Key recommendations include the creation of joint ESG dialogue platforms between the AU and ASEAN, the normalization of publishing loan contracts, and the fast-tracking of local capacity-building plans.

The report outlines a strategic framework to transition South Africa's TVET system toward a green hydrogen economy (GHE). It identifies critical gaps in current vocational training, such as low throughput and poor industry alignment, and proposes a 'demand-led' model using Centres of Specialisation (CoS). Through four quantitative scenarios, the report forecasts that an 'All-inclusive Portfolio' of domestic use and exports would maximize GDP growth and TVET job creation by 2050. Key recommendations include developing a Green Skills Master Plan, implementing nano-credentialing, and reskilling workers from sunset industries like coal mining into growth sectors such as platinum mining and green steel.

Analysis of social media data from thirteen African countries indicates that the general public is either indifferent or negative toward Russia, with the Russia-Ukraine war serving as a primary driver of anti-Russia sentiment. While some positivity exists regarding Russia-Africa relations, particularly in South Africa and Mali, there is often a divide between government elites and citizens. The report highlights that even when users are suspicious of Western influence, negative attitudes toward Russia remain dominant, and evidence of bot activity was found in pro-Russia sentiment across all surveyed countries.

This report outlines the objectives of a community of practice on African climate finance, convened by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS), the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), and the African Development Bank (AfDB), to identify adaptation finance priorities for the COP27 conference in Egypt.

The document highlights a significant gender gap in nuclear diplomacy and science, noting that African delegations at NPT review conferences (19802015) had the lowest women's representation at 18%. It argues that women are disproportionately affected by nuclear radiation and conflict, yet are excluded from security dockets and decision-making. The brief emphasizes the potential of peaceful nuclear science and technology (NST) to advance Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Africa, particularly in electricity generation, agriculture, and medicine, noting a critical lack of facilities to treat cervical cancer, the most common female cancer on the continent. It also addresses the legacy of French nuclear tests in Algeria, where victims, particularly women, remain under-researched and uncompensated. The authors recommend prioritizing treaty obligations, investing in nuclear medicine, and increasing women's representation in nuclear education and multilateral delegations.

The briefing advocates for SADC member states to move from reactive to anticipatory governance to better navigate uncertainties like climate change and digitisation. It identifies five strategic opportunities: reskilling for the green economy and 4IR, fostering regional innovation ecosystems to leapfrog legacy industries, implementing open-data policies and improving internet infrastructure, developing green economy clusters for mineral value-addition, and repositioning the mining sector toward circular or bio-economy models.

The document outlines Africa's objectives for COP27, focusing on the African Group of Negotiators' (AGN) demands for increased climate finance and the recognition of the continent's special circumstances. It highlights a tension between the African Union's (AU) support for natural gas as a transition fuel and the goals of renewable energy activists. The brief also details the roles of specific 'climate champion' countries and the impact of global geopolitical tensions, such as the US-China standoff and the Russia-Ukraine war, on climate negotiations.

The document examines the 'digital geopolitics' affecting the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, contrasting the commercially-driven US model, the state-centric Chinese model, and the human-centric EU model. It warns that without strategic agency and home-grown innovation, Africa risks 'digital recolonisation' or the adoption of 'authoritarian tech'. The authors recommend that SADC and the African Union (AU) harmonise data sovereignty frameworks, strengthen rights-centred implementation, and increase influence in international standard-setting bodies like the ITU to ensure digital transformation aligns with African contextual needs.

The paper examines the 'digital Grand Canyon' in Africa, identifying infrastructural, financial, and regulatory barriers to internet connectivity. It highlights the disproportionate impact of the digital divide on women and youth and proposes a combination of top-down government strategies and bottom-up market initiatives to foster inclusion. The authors argue that the AfCFTA framework should be used to harmonise digital trade rules, encourage diverse infrastructure financing, and implement comprehensive digital upskilling to ensure the continent's participation in the 4th Industrial Revolution.

The paper examines how the Russia-Ukraine conflict challenges the BRICS bloc's stated principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. It analyzes the divergent voting patterns of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa at the United Nations, noting that the group lacks a common stance on the conflict. While the bloc advocates for a more equitable international order and criticizes Western double standards, the author argues that Russia's invasion of Ukraine risks compromising the bloc's credibility and creating a precedent where powerful states ignore international principles.

The 10th Review Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) failed to produce an outcome document due to Russian objections regarding the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant in Ukraine. While the NPT remains relevant, it faces a credibility crisis as recognized nuclear weapons states modernize arsenals and fail to abide by treaty stipulations. The author argues that the NPT must adapt by strengthening enforcement, establishing a clear timeline for complete nuclear disarmament, and leveraging the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) to increase its effectiveness.

The policy brief examines the role of nuclear science and technology in Africa's development and the necessity of integrating women and youth into the field. It highlights that while women currently represent only 30% of experts and trainees, frameworks like Agenda 2063 and the Maputo Protocol provide a basis for their inclusion. The document identifies challenges such as a lack of sustainable human resource development and the need for updated expert databases. It recommends enhancing STEM education, increasing government commitment, and leveraging the roles of the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to foster a more inclusive nuclear sector.

The AfCFTA aims to create a $3.4 billion economic bloc to foster structural transformation through agricultural upgrading, light manufacturing growth, and the deepening of regional value chains (RVCs). While initial tariff offers show potential for significant gains, the document notes that the liberalisation of services has lagged, with a new deadline of December 2023. Implementation is supported by mechanisms like the Afreximbank Adjustment Fund and the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System, though the authors highlight a critical weakness in accountability: private parties cannot access the AfCFTA's dispute settlement mechanism. The brief concludes that while the project is long-term and potentially 'oversold' to the private sector, it remains a vital instrument for overcoming the limitations of smaller regional economic communities.

The 2022 Kenyan election occurs amidst severe economic instability driven by global food, energy, and climate crises, with cooking oil prices rising 47% and millions requiring food aid. The contest primarily features Raila Odinga and William Ruto, with the winner facing the urgent need to stabilize fuel and food prices without increasing national debt. While the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has seen few reforms since 2017, there are signs of a peaceful democratic transition and increased female candidacy.

The document argues that blue economy incubators and accelerators are essential mechanisms for nurturing ocean-based businesses and incentivising blue finance in Africa. It highlights the importance of multi-stakeholder partnerships, the integration of these programmes into maritime clusters, and the use of blended finance to de-risk private investment. The brief provides examples of existing initiatives, such as OceanHub Africa and various global accelerators, to illustrate how these models can support sustainable aquaculture, climate action, and blue-tech solutions.

The document examines Russia's increasing diplomatic and military push into Africa, highlighted by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's July 2022 visits to Egypt, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, and Ethiopia. It notes that while Russia was the largest arms supplier to Africa in 2021 (44% of imports) and a critical wheat provider, African states remain divided in their response to the invasion of Ukraine, with 48% abstaining from a UN General Assembly resolution. The author contends that Africa's collective GDP of $2.7 trillion in 2021 exceeds Russia's $1.7 trillion, suggesting that a unified approach via the African Union's Partnership Management and Coordination Division and the African Continental Free Trade Area would increase the continent's agency and bargaining power.

The document explores the evolving relationship between Korea and Africa, focusing on how Korea's carbon-neutrality goals and technological expertise can support Africa's climate resilience. It identifies key areas for partnership, including renewable energy, green minerals for batteries, smart city development, and climate-resilient agriculture, while emphasizing the need for these initiatives to be African-led and aligned with the AU's strategic framework.