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The study identifies Zimbabwe's foreign exchange controls as the most costly non-tariff barrier (NTB) affecting bilateral trade between South Africa and Zimbabwe across multiple sectors. Other significant costs include administrative delays at the Beit Bridge border crossing and high freight costs resulting from a dysfunctional regional rail network. The paper also highlights congestion at Durban Port and specific sectoral barriers, such as South Africa's ban on second-hand vehicles traveling on its roads and two-stage conversion requirements for Zimbabwean textiles.

The document examines South Africa's attempt to frame its economic and trade policies within the concept of a 'developmental state,' drawing comparisons with the 'Asian Tigers.' It argues that South Africa's unique socio-political context—specifically its status as a pluralistic democracy and the legacy of apartheid—makes the direct transplantation of authoritarian Asian models impossible. The author highlights tensions within the ruling ANC alliance between pro-poor transformative goals and the need for market-oriented growth and foreign investment. The paper traces the evolution of economic strategy from the early 1990s macroeconomic stabilization (GEAR) to a more recent focus on micro-economic efficiency and industrial policy (ASGI-SA and NIPF). It concludes that South Africa must develop a unique model that combines development with democracy, focusing on human capital, infrastructure, and a professionalized bureaucracy rather than a state-centric, authoritarian approach.

The document examines how the BLNS countries are constrained by South Africa's regional dominance and the SACU common tariff. It highlights a critical vulnerability: because BLNS government revenues rely heavily on the SACU customs pool, South African trade liberalisation could decimate their budgets. While some scenarios show welfare gains—particularly for Swaziland's sugar exports to the EU—these are offset by massive potential losses in tariff revenue. The paper argues that the BLNS have limited independent trade policy space and suggests that negotiations with the EU should be conducted on a Customs Union-to-Customs Union basis.

Belgium prioritizes Central Africa, particularly the DRC, Rwanda, and Burundi, in its foreign policy, providing significant development aid and security support. The country maintains a strong economic partnership with South Africa, characterized by high trade volumes and foreign direct investment. While Belgium focuses on sustainable development and peace-making in the Great Lakes region, its broader Africa policy is selective, concentrating resources on a limited number of partner states.

The report details France's transition from a neo-colonial 'policeman' of francophone Africa to a more diversified continental strategy that prioritizes economic interests and partnerships with non-franc zone powers like South Africa. It examines the shift from direct military intervention to supporting African-owned peacekeeping, the contradictions in French development aid versus its Common Agricultural Policy, and the growth of bilateral trade and investment between France and South Africa.

The document advocates for the use of Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA) to help African coastal and island communities adapt to climate change impacts such as sea level rise and tropical storms. It provides a set of nine key recommendations for SADC stakeholders to integrate EbA into Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), align biodiversity and ocean policies, and ensure the inclusion of local communities and gender equity in project design. The statement emphasizes the need for a regional SADC EbA strategy and a resource mobilisation plan to support sustainable investments across the region.

The report identifies systemic governance failures in Lesotho, including a fragmented electoral system, weak separation of powers, and inadequate decentralisation. It highlights severe socio-economic challenges such as a 47.7% poverty rate (2017), rising violent crime, and gender-based discrimination under customary law. The document argues that these issues are exacerbated by corruption, poor infrastructure, and ineffective public policy-making, recommending comprehensive constitutional and legal reforms through the National Reforms Authority (NRA).

The author contends that the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) are being emasculated by a lack of political will among African leaders. Specifically, the paper highlights how the 'quiet diplomacy' of South African President Thabo Mbeki and other leaders toward Robert Mugabe's regime in Zimbabwe reflects a deeper commitment among National Liberation Movement (NLM) governments to protect one another from democratic turnover. The author asserts that this solidarity among former liberation movements contradicts the stated goals of good governance and democracy required to attract G7 financial support, thereby risking the overall success of the African renewal process.

The report investigates the captive predator breeding industry in South Africa, specifically focusing on lions. It challenges industry claims of economic significance and conservation value, arguing that the industry relies on deceptive marketing to attract volunteer tourists and supplies the 'canned hunting' and lion bone trades. The author contends that the industry lacks scientific grounding, suffers from genetic inbreeding, and may facilitate organised crime through the legal export of lion skeletons to Asia. The paper suggests that the opportunity costs—including damage to South Africa's tourism brand and the loss of potential jobs from ethical ecotourism—outweigh the industry's private returns, recommending a move toward a zero export quota for lion derivatives.

The document examines the distributional effects of COVID-19 macroeconomic policies in Nigeria and Uganda, finding that 'neutral' policy designs often exacerbate existing inequalities. It highlights the exclusion of the urban poor, women, and the informal sector from cash transfers and financial relief, while noting that monetary policy easing has not translated into lower lending rates for high-risk borrowers. The brief recommends leveraging electronic platforms for cash distribution, increasing investment in renewable energy for low-income households, and improving long-term tax capacity to fund social protection.

The document examines South Africa's use of monetary and macroprudential tools to maintain financial stability during COVID-19, while highlighting the constraints imposed by pre-existing fiscal weakness and junk-status debt. It argues that while the South African Reserve Bank's (SARB) adherence to international standards like Basel III provided critical shock absorbers, long-term growth requires structural reforms and credible fiscal consolidation.

The report examines the 2022 Russian seizure of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP) as a precedent that exposes critical gaps in international nuclear safety laws. It argues that existing frameworks, including the Pelindaba Treaty, are insufficient to address contemporary risks such as the military occupation of operational plants, drone warfare, and the targeting of supporting infrastructure like power grids and dams. The authors highlight severe human rights violations against ZNPP personnel and the limited enforcement mandate of the IAEA. To safeguard Africa's growing nuclear ambitions, the report recommends the African Union adopt a common position on nuclear safety during conflict, advocate for binding international regulations to prevent the occupation of nuclear facilities, and expand protections to include critical supporting infrastructure.

The document examines the risks of chemical, biological, and nuclear (CBN) weapons proliferation by non-State actors in Africa, specifically how illicit networks and terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab exploit weak trade controls. It assesses the implementation of UNSCR 1540 across African States, noting a gap between strong political commitment and weak practical enforcement of border and export controls. The brief argues that the AfCFTA Agreement, which aims to boost intra-African trade and industrialization in sectors like pharmaceuticals and energy, provides a strategic platform to harmonize these security controls. It concludes with recommendations for the AfCFTA organs and the 1540 Committee to collaborate on capacity building, shared data analysis, and public-private engagement to secure trade flows.

The document analyzes the shift in Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi toward a more assertive, geo-economic approach. It examines how India integrates Africa into its strategic calculations, particularly regarding energy security, maritime security in the Indian Ocean, and competition with China. The paper details the history of the India–Africa Forum Summit (IAFS), the use of lines of credit (LOCs) for infrastructure, and the potential for aligning Indian engagement with Africa's Agenda 2063 and the Africa Integrated Maritime Strategy.

The report examines macroeconomic resilience in 12 sub-Saharan African countries, focusing on the use of monetary and fiscal instruments to stabilise production and inflation cycles. It identifies commodity price downcycles as the most consistent trigger for economic crises and argues that currency regimes significantly influence a nation's ability to absorb shocks. The author develops the CoMPRA-MERI index to track resilience across seven dimensions: fiscal, monetary, external debt, trade, investment, governance, and human capital. Findings suggest that most countries exhibit procyclical outcomes due to structural constraints, though Uganda is noted as a successful exception in applying countercyclical tools. The report recommends trade diversification and a shift toward more flexible exchange rate regimes to enhance structural resilience.

The document evaluates Nigeria's macroeconomic recovery strategies following the COVID-19 pandemic, analyzing their compatibility with the nation's goal of achieving net-zero emissions by 2050. While the National Development Plan (NDP) and Economic Sustainability Plan (ESP) include green initiatives—such as solar electrification and climate-smart agriculture—the author notes a lack of clear implementation tracking and a persistent reliance on oil-led growth. The brief recommends removing fossil fuel subsidies, expanding blended finance, and prioritizing gender-responsive climate-smart agriculture to ensure a sustainable green recovery.

The research introduces a multidimensional index to measure socioeconomic vulnerability to COVID-19, incorporating macroeconomic exposure, healthcare coverage, financial inclusion, social protection, and gender inclusivity. Using data from 83 countries, the study finds that African nations are among the most vulnerable, with gender inequality acting as a primary driver. Regression analysis confirms that higher vulnerability scores and more stringent containment measures were associated with more significant per capita income losses in 2020. The author argues that pandemic response strategies must move away from 'one-size-fits-all' containment measures and instead prioritize gender inclusion, social protection, and financial inclusion to build resilience.

The briefing compares the macroeconomic resilience of Benin and Togo from 2000 to 2020, finding that Benin's economy is more volatile due to greater global integration, while Togo's performance has been shielded by phosphate exports. It examines the impact of national crises—such as political instability in Togo and trade disputes in Benin—and regional shocks like COVID-19 and Ebola, evaluating the fiscal and monetary policy responses of both nations.

The document analyzes the macroeconomic resilience of Uganda and Rwanda between 2000 and 2020, identifying five shared crisis periods triggered by exogenous shocks such as the global financial crisis, climate events, and the COVID-19 pandemic. It examines how these shocks transmitted through the economies—affecting export growth, inflation, and capital formation—and highlights the specific vulnerabilities of both nations, including reliance on foreign aid and agricultural productivity. The authors recommend increasing capital inflows, improving domestic revenue mobilization, enhancing agricultural productivity, and operationalizing climate change adaptation strategies to build future resilience.

The paper compares the macroeconomic resilience of Nigeria and Ghana, noting that while both face vulnerabilities to commodity price fluctuations and climate shocks, Ghana's more diversified economy has generally provided greater resilience. Nigeria's heavy reliance on oil makes it more susceptible to external shocks, leading to recessions in 2016 and 2020. Both countries struggle with significant public debt and fiscal deficits, often resorting to borrowing to finance government expenditure during crises. The authors recommend that Nigeria diversify its economy away from oil and improve fiscal management, while Ghana should expand its export base and accelerate the rollout of renewable energy to improve energy security.