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The paper argues that since 2000, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has shifted from a border struggle back to an ethnic conflict, characterized by a 'status quo' regime of Israeli control. This regime utilizes settlement expansion, the Separation Barrier, and the strategic division of Palestinians to maintain Jewish ethnic superiority. The author contends that the two-state solution is currently unachievable due to deep-seated religious radicalization within the settler movement and the IDF, as well as a US policy focused on process over structural change. The document concludes that Israel will only move toward a two-state accommodation when the international costs of maintaining the current regime outweigh the domestic costs of dismantling it.

The document analyzes the US engagement in Afghanistan, tracing the shift from a narrow focus on eliminating Al Qaeda and the Taliban to various military models, including the 'Afghan model', the 'American model', and counter-insurgency (COIN). It argues that despite adopting a 'comprehensive approach' at the 2006 Riga summit, US policy remained dominated by kinetic military operations, often alienating the local population and empowering warlords. The paper concludes that the militarization of policy and the use of military-led Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) limited the effectiveness of nation-building efforts.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The research predicts a global decline in internal armed conflict, with the proportion of countries in conflict expected to drop from 15.1% in 2009 to 7.1% by 2050. This trend is driven primarily by projected improvements in education and infant mortality rates. While Western Asia and North Africa are expected to see significant reductions, conflicts are predicted to remain more concentrated in East, Central, and Southern Africa, as well as East and South Asia.

The paper challenges the finding that warming is robustly linked to civil war in Sub-Saharan Africa by replicating and testing the model used by Burke et al. (2009). Through influence diagnostics, alternative operationalizations of civil war, and expanded sample periods, the authors find that the reported positive effect of temperature is tenuous and often disappears. The analysis suggests that the original results were driven by a few influential observations involving foreign intervention and that climate variables provide negligible predictive power compared to country-specific fixed effects and time trends.

The research examines Hamas's proposal for a hudna, an extended ceasefire that differs from a final peace deal by allowing the postponement of the refugee right of return. Based on interviews with Hamas leaders in Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon, the study finds that while the hudna is tactical—serving as a means to an objective—it is grounded in Islamic and Arab traditions of conflict resolution (hudna followed by sulh, or reconciliation). The author notes that some Hamas members in Gaza are open to pragmatic compromises, such as land swaps, provided Israel withdraws to 1967 borders. However, the proposal faces challenges from salafi-jihadist groups in Lebanon and Gaza, as well as ideological opposition from other Palestinian factions like Islamic Jihad. Ultimately, the document argues that Hamas is serious about the hudna as a partial solution to establish a Palestinian state without requiring the formal recognition of Israel.

The report analyzes the Afghan madrasa sector, highlighting its diversity and the complex transnational links between Afghanistan and Pakistan. It examines the role of these schools in radicalization and militancy, while assessing the Afghan government's efforts to reform religious education to curb extremism and enhance state control.

The study examines the tension between combating financial crimes—such as money laundering and terrorist financing—and maintaining the speed, low cost, and accessibility of informal remittance systems like Hawala. It contrasts 'registration' regimes (UK, Sweden) with 'licensing' regimes (Germany, Netherlands, Norway), finding that more lenient registration frameworks generally lead to lower consumer prices and higher market accessibility. The paper also analyzes the impact of the EU Payment Services Directive (PSD) and argues that IVTS are highly integrated with the formal economy, suggesting that a 'light touch' regulatory approach is most effective for bringing these systems into the formal sphere.

The research argues that both economic and political horizontal inequalities (HIs) are significant drivers of ethno-nationalist civil war. Using a novel combination of geo-coded ethnic settlement data and spatial wealth measures, the authors find that ethnic groups whose wealth deviates significantly from the national average—whether they are relatively affluent or impoverished—are more prone to conflict. This effect persists even when controlling for political exclusion from executive power, which itself is a strong predictor of conflict. The findings challenge contemporary 'opportunity-based' theories of civil war that dismiss grievances, suggesting instead that structural asymmetries act as mobilizational resources for collective violence.

The report examines the gender gap in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) and other NATO countries, arguing that while national recruitment is a prerequisite for female participation in international missions, it is not sufficient on its own. Despite implementing numerous initiatives, Norway has seen slow growth in female personnel, trailing behind countries like Canada, France, and the United States. The author analyzes NATO's recommended best practices across recruitment, employment, operational planning, and quality of life, noting that many states prioritize equal rights over the instrumental operational value of women. The report specifically highlights Canada's 'employer of choice' strategy as a successful model for Norway to consider, while cautioning that mandatory conscription for women in Norway may be premature without a deeper understanding of female motivation for military service.

The Pilot Project Pakistan (PPP), launched in 2008, tested a model to support Norwegian-Pakistani organizations that did not meet standard Norad funding requirements. The project utilized a dual-resource structure with a secretariat in Norway (Development Fund and Norwegian Church Aid) and a resource organization in Pakistan (Sungi) to provide capacity building, project guidance, and monitoring. The review found that the PPP successfully increased the development impact of diaspora initiatives and fostered the inclusion of diaspora groups in Norwegian society. Key successes included the transition of some participants to regular Norad funding and the creation of networking synergies. However, challenges remained regarding the 50-50 funding ratio, the need for better needs-assessments for training, and the vulnerability of local partners to staff turnover. The report recommends establishing a long-term resource centre for diaspora organizations to provide ongoing competence building and coordination.

The report traces the conceptual shift of sexual violence in conflict, moving from the 'lootpillageandrape' nexus of early 20th-century wars to the systematic 'rape camps' of the 1990s. It examines the role of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in establishing rape as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity. The document analyzes three theoretical frameworks—essentialism, structuralism, and social constructionism—to explain the motivations of perpetrators and the targeting of victims. It further details the development of international legal mechanisms, including the ICTY, ICTR, and the ICC, and the impact of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888 on the protection of women and the institutionalization of gender units in peacekeeping missions.

The report analyzes women's political participation in post-conflict Burundi and Nepal, finding that while affirmative action quotas significantly increased numerical representation in legislatures, entrenched patriarchal norms and party cultures continue to limit women's actual influence. It highlights the critical role of women's civil society organizations in advocating for rights and legal reforms, while noting that these organizations are often hampered by fragmented coordination and a heavy dependence on short-term international funding.

The document examines how the expansion of aviation security measures—driven primarily by anti-terrorism efforts following 9/11—often conflicts with fundamental human rights, including privacy and dignity. It highlights the lack of enforcement power within the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the tendency for political solutions to override legal safeguards. The author argues that many current technologies, such as whole-body scanners and Passenger Name Record (PNR) transfers, may be disproportionate and lack proven effectiveness, recommending a shift toward independent evaluations and non-invasive alternatives.

The document analyzes Afghanistan's role within the Regional Security Complex (RSC) framework, examining its relationship with South Asia, the Persian Gulf, and Central Asia. It argues that neighboring states' engagement in Afghanistan is driven by internal regional conflicts—such as the India-Pakistan rivalry—rather than Afghan-centric issues. Consequently, the author suggests that a unilateral non-aggression commitment by Afghanistan is a more viable strategy for stability than the integrated regional approaches often proposed by international policymakers.

The document outlines the value added by diaspora engagement, such as context-specific knowledge and access to high-risk areas, while addressing challenges like community fragmentation and politicization. It provides a framework for capacity-building, funding, and recruitment to better integrate diasporas into mainstream development and peacebuilding efforts.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The document outlines the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' framework, starting with UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), which shifted the perception of women from victims to active participants in peace and security. It details three subsequent resolutions: 1820 (2008) and 1888 (2009), which focus on sexual violence in conflict, and 1889 (2009), which addresses women's participation in post-conflict peacebuilding. The brief notes that 17 member-states have developed National Action Plans (NAPs) and highlights specific Norwegian initiatives, including financial support for gender balance in humanitarian operations and the recruitment of women into police reserve pools.

The report finds that Hamas maintained the general structure of Palestinian Authority (PA) institutions to ensure constitutional continuity, though it replaced many management-level officials with loyalists. To survive the Israeli-Egyptian embargo, Hamas established a 'tunnel economy' based on smuggled goods and created its own taxation systems. Public services in health and education were maintained through a pragmatic 'division of labour' with the Fatah-led government in Ramallah, which continued to pay salaries for most staff. However, the judiciary was completely restructured into a parallel apparatus. While some conservative cultural shifts were observed, the report concludes that Hamas's actions reflect power politics and crisis management rather than a grand 'Islamic revolution' or a total redesign of government based on religious principles.

The study finds that large urban male youth bulges are not generally associated with increased risks of social disturbance. Instead, factors such as the absence of democratic institutions, low economic growth, and low secondary educational attainment are robustly linked to higher levels of urban social disorder.