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The report finds that 676 million women, or 17% of the global female population, lived within 50 km of a deadly conflict event in 2024, more than doubling the number since 1990. It highlights that while high-intensity conflicts gain more media attention, medium-intensity protracted conflicts are strongly correlated with lower Human Development Index (HDI) scores. The brief identifies Bangladesh as having the highest absolute number of women exposed to conflict, while 100% of women in Syria, Lebanon, and Israel/Palestine were affected. Using Nigeria as a case study, it demonstrates significant subnational variation in conflict intensity and types of violence, including state-based, communal, and criminal violence.

The document analyzes the prevalence and composition of DDR provisions in 289 peace agreements between 1975 and 2021. It finds that while DDR components are increasingly common, they are rarely implemented as a complete package, with disarmament being the most frequent provision. The brief highlights the critical role of third-party actors, particularly the UN, in supporting comprehensive DDR efforts, and notes a severe lack of explicit provisions for women and child ex-combatants despite international norms.

The FUMI Survey documentation describes a mixed-methods research project focusing on migration aspirations among young adults (18–39) in Serekunda (The Gambia), Tema (Ghana), and São Vicente (Cape Verde). The report details the design of a respondent-centred survey instrument, the three-step random sampling process used to reach 1,000 individuals per city, and the rigorous quality assurance measures implemented, including audio recordings and back-checks. It further explains the data cleaning workflows, the application of household and individual weights to correct for sampling biases, and the creation of a Composite Wealth Index using polychoric principal component analysis of assets and socio-economic indicators. The document also identifies specific coding errors that led to data gaps in variables related to passports, visas, and household contributions.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the second Trump administration's approach to foreign aid and global security. It highlights a 90-day freeze on all U.S. foreign assistance and the withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization. The text notes a divide in perception, where populations in BRICS nations are more positive about Trump's presidency for global peace compared to those in the EU and UK, despite an overall increase in global conflicts and expansionist rhetoric regarding territories like Greenland and Panama.

The document analyzes the regulatory gap in EU drone law regarding self-operating systems, arguing that current dichotomous definitions of autonomy and an over-reliance on operational oversight (via the 'remote pilot') are inadequate. It proposes a 'spectral approach' to autonomy and a shift toward design-based regulation to ensure safety in an increasingly automated airspace, specifically within the U-Space traffic management framework.

The report argues that the traditional Official Development Assistance (ODA) model is outdated and failing to meet 21st-century challenges. It identifies six key pressures: shifting poverty geographies, rising demands for climate and health financing, fragmentation from new actors, changing flow natures, geopolitical rivalries, and declining public trust. The author contends that incremental tweaks are insufficient and proposes a 'reset' that integrates ODA into a broader Global Public Investment (GPI) framework. This new architecture would distinguish core poverty reduction from global public goods financing, reform governance to include the Global South, and shift the narrative from donor-driven charity to mutual interest. The report outlines five future scenarios for 2040, ranging from 'Incremental Change' to a 'Managed Handover' to non-governmental actors, urging policymakers to proactively shape a transition to avoid a fragmented 'Wild West' of bilateralism.

The policy brief proposes that Cyprus leverage its unique island profile and Mediterranean position during its 2026 EU Council Presidency to advance EU-level action on water scarcity, climate adaptation, energy security, and transport decarbonisation. Key recommendations include establishing a Mediterranean Resilience Summit, a Water & Climate Security Forum, and an EU-SIDS Compact 2030, while steering legislative processes such as the Energy Security Framework and ETS revisions to support affordability and resilience.

The document identifies a critical disconnect between macro-level transboundary water treaties and the lived realities of local water users, particularly in conflict-prone and climate-stressed regions. It argues that while 'water wars' are rare, the failure to integrate grassroots concerns into national strategies can exacerbate local tensions and undermine regional stability. The brief highlights how armed conflict destroys infrastructure and how climate-induced scarcity can reduce altruism and increase in-group bias. It recommends bridging these gaps through inclusive governance, technological innovation, and evidence-based policymaking to foster resilience and peacebuilding.

The policy brief highlights the lack of transitional justice mechanisms in Cyprus, where conflict-related trauma and 'ambiguous loss' remain unaddressed. It warns that as older generations pass away, the risk of losing first-hand testimonies increases, leaving future generations to rely on potentially polarizing second-hand narratives. The author proposes a shift from high-level political negotiations toward community-led, trauma-informed initiatives, including memorial spaces, intergenerational dialogue, and the archiving of underrepresented histories from the 1950s to 1970s. The brief draws on international best practices from Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Chile to suggest informal, grassroots alternatives to state-level truth commissions.

The Philippines is pursuing digital transformation to drive economic growth, with its digital economy contributing 8.5% to GDP in 2024. However, the country lags behind ASEAN peers in infrastructure and digital literacy. This gap has been filled largely by Chinese investments via the Digital Silk Road, with companies like Huawei, Alibaba, and Tencent dominating sectors such as telecommunications, cloud computing, and fintech. While these investments provide essential capacity, they create security risks and sovereignty concerns, exacerbated by territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The paper recommends that the Philippines update its regulatory frameworks, adopt ASEAN-centric ICT norms, and pursue 'friendshoring' with allies like the US and Japan to reduce dependence on Chinese technology.

The report describes a 'North Cyprus trap' where international students are lured by recruitment agents with false promises of easy employment and affordable living. Upon arrival in the de facto state of Northern Cyprus, students face economic insecurity and are forced into an illegal, exploitative labour market. Employers often refuse to provide required student work permits, leaving students vulnerable to underpayment, abuse, and legal risks. The author identifies a cyclical pattern where exploited students may become recruitment agents themselves to survive. To break this cycle, the report recommends prohibiting new university construction, regulating recruitment agents through mandatory registration and training, requiring universities to provide rights information in English, increasing labour inspections in the restaurant and construction sectors, and establishing a multi-stakeholder support committee.

The report examines whether Official Development Assistance (ODA) prevents or exacerbates violent conflict. A systematic review of 20 studies indicates that while assistance can foster stability by improving livelihoods and accountable governance, it can also fuel violence by creating 'prizes' for elite capture or provoking insurgent backlash. Case studies of South Sudan and Mozambique highlight a contrast between fragmented states and capable but exclusionary states, suggesting that prevention strategies must be tailored to the specific institutional context. The authors recommend shifting from externally imposed state-building models toward community-driven initiatives and inclusive governance reforms.

The report examines the role of language in the Cyprus conflict, arguing that the formal sidelining of linguistic diversity in peace negotiations has entrenched division. It highlights the work of the grassroots organisation HADE, which uses language exchange as a tool for trust-building, and critiques the Republic of Cyprus's current educational and administrative policies for failing to provide systemic support for bilingualism. The author proposes institutionalising language through a Multilingual Technical Committee, national campaigns, and the integration of language and peace education.

The document argues that peace negotiations are not merely about power and interests but are deeply influenced by ethical considerations. It presents a holistic framework (the 4Ps) to help practitioners and analysts identify moral dilemmas. The guide explores the tension between peace and justice, the ethics of inclusion and representation, the virtues of negotiators, and the legitimacy of procedural organization, emphasizing that ethical and strategic considerations are inseparable.

The MigrationRhythms project conducted a face-to-face survey in Hanoi, Karachi, Manila, and Mumbai to investigate the relationship between migration and upward social mobility among the lower-to-middle-middle class. The documentation describes a probability-based sampling method using random walks to identify 500 respondents per city. It details the use of SurveyCTO CAPI software for data collection, the development of a structured questionnaire covering socio-economic status and multi-generational migration histories, and the rigorous data cleaning and anonymization processes required to produce an open-access dataset for publication on Zenodo.

The report analyzes the 'Dubaization' of North Cyprus, a process where the economy has shifted toward rent-generating sectors like speculative real estate, mass higher education, and casino-led tourism. This model, operating within a politically unrecognized state, has led to a fragmented labor market, significant infrastructural decay, and a 'war of numbers' regarding the de facto population. The author argues that these dynamics, combined with state-led naturalization of Turkish nationals, are altering the region's durable demography and increasing its structural subordination to Turkey, which complicates future peace negotiations.

The report identifies 2024 as the year with the highest number of state-based conflicts since 1946, with 61 conflicts across 36 countries. While the total number of battle-related deaths in 2024 (approximately 129,000) was similar to 2023, it remains the fourth most violent year since 1989, driven primarily by wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and Ethiopia's Tigray region. The paper notes a growing complexity in conflict dynamics, where a higher share of conflict-affected countries now host multiple simultaneous conflicts. Non-state conflicts decreased slightly to 74 in 2024, with Africa becoming the region with the highest number of such conflicts. One-sided violence increased to 14,000 fatalities in 2024, with non-state actors responsible for the majority of deaths, although 14 governments also perpetrated such violence.

The document reports on a survey of 1,354 individuals in unoccupied Ukraine, finding that while women have increasingly taken on roles in the military and humanitarian aid due to wartime necessity, societal acceptance for these roles is generally higher during the war than in envisioned post-war scenarios. Conversely, support for women in non-military leadership roles is higher for the post-war period. The data also quantifies women's direct participation in the defense effort, noting that 5% of women surveyed had served in combat roles and 30% provided non-combatant support.

The document analyzes the centralized theocracy of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan under Emir Haibatullah, focusing on how Provincial Ulama Councils (PUCs) and Provincial Governors operate. It details the history of Afghan education and the current ban on girls' secondary and university education, concluding that while internal disagreements exist within the Taliban leadership, the Emir's centralized control limits the possibility of locally negotiated education opportunities.

The 2025/26 Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Index ranks 181 countries, with Denmark scoring highest (.939) and Afghanistan lowest (.279). The report highlights a global stagnation or decline in women's status, coinciding with a historic peak in armed conflict. In 2024, 676 million women lived within 50 kilometers of armed conflict, a 74 percent increase since 2010. While developed countries generally lead the rankings, significant improvements were noted in fragile states like Congo and South Sudan. The report emphasizes the disproportionate impact of conflict on women, citing severe humanitarian crises in Ukraine, Palestine, Sudan, Myanmar, and Ethiopia, and calls for urgent investment in women to foster peaceful and resilient societies.