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The research argues that while food insecurity provides the motivation for urban unrest, the actual occurrence of collective action is contingent on the presence of organizational networks and the level of state repression. Using a combination of cross-national data from urban Africa (1990–2014) and individual-level survey data from Johannesburg, the author finds that food insecurity increases the likelihood of unrest, particularly demonstrations and strikes. However, the study challenges the notion that food is a uniquely potent driver of unrest compared to other living expenses and finds no evidence that food insecurity leads specifically to more violent behavior.

The author, Nils Petter Gleditsch, reviews two 1966 NRK television broadcasts that served as a major public introduction to the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO). The programs featured Johan Galtung and various researchers presenting early peace research projects, including studies on children's perceptions of peace, international airline patterns, and diplomatic simulations. The text documents the institutional growth of PRIO, its early use of electronic data processing, and the specific academic contributions of its early staff and students.

The report argues that UN IDDRS recommendations—specifically the separation of minors from adult soldiers and the insistence on family reunification—often fail to account for gender and conflict context, potentially causing trauma and socio-economic hardship. Through case studies of FARC-EP in Colombia and the PLA in Nepal, the author finds that many minors joined voluntarily to escape poverty or violence and experienced high levels of gender equality within the armed groups, which contrasted sharply with the traditional, 'machista' or caste-based societies they returned to. The report concludes that minors' agency is frequently neglected by international and state actors, and recommends a more flexible, context-specific approach to DDR that prioritizes the minors' own choices and needs.

The research explores the concept of 'active citizenship' as a differentiating norm in Denmark and Norway, rather than just a descriptive term for civic engagement. Through ethnographic fieldwork in Oslo and Copenhagen, the author finds that while many people align with official policy goals—such as volunteering in local, child-centred, and secular arenas—marginalized individuals often resist these narrow definitions. The study argues that active citizenship is frequently used to create boundaries between 'good citizens' (who are typically imagined as middle-class, able-bodied, and culturally similar) and 'failed' or 'tolerated' citizens. The author advocates for a 'differentiated universalism' that recognizes informal care, faith-based engagement, and transnational activities as valid forms of societal contribution, moving beyond the binary of active versus passive citizenship.

The study analyzes the impact of the 2019 Anti-ELAB movement on voter behavior in Hong Kong. Using logistic regression on survey and event data, the author finds that protests and police brutality mobilize individuals who identify as "Hongkongers" to vote for opposition parties, while having the opposite effect on those who identify as "Chinese". Nonviolent protests were found to be more effective in inducing defections from the regime among those with a local identity.

The report argues that disarmament is often an elite bargain where symbolic gestures are more critical for peace than the technical collection of all weapons. It highlights that exclusionary processes often marginalize women and other armed groups, and that external actors can either facilitate peace or hinder it by imposing generic templates that ignore local contexts.

The report analyzes Sweden's 2017–2018 term on the UN Security Council, examining how a small state can influence the body's outcomes regarding Women, Peace and Security (WPS). It details Sweden's strategic approach—rooted in its feminist foreign policy—to move WPS from a thematic 'add-on' to 'core Council business' by integrating actionable language into regular resolutions, particularly those concerning peacekeeping and political mission mandates. The authors provide a framework for assessing the impact of elected members (E10) through criteria of frequency, clarity, and priority of resolution language, while outlining the tactical maneuvering required to navigate P5 power dynamics and UNSC working methods.

The study argues that disaggregating sectarian violence is essential to understanding its effects on institutional trust. Using survey data from the Arab Barometer and a sectarian events dataset, the author finds that beatings decrease trust in mediators like religious leaders and the parliament, while bombings unexpectedly increase trust in the army and legal system. Burnings primarily reduce trust in the courts. The findings suggest that the targeted Christian minority is affected differently than the general public, sometimes showing increased trust in the government and parliament following bombings.

The document argues that women's inclusion in peace processes increases the likelihood of reaching and sustaining agreements, though global participation rates remain low. It identifies three prerequisites for substantive representation: a specific agenda, access to the process, and advocacy by powerful actors. The briefing details various modes of inclusion, noting that independent women-only delegations are more effective than observer status, and outlines systemic barriers including cultural norms, economic constraints, and higher participation criteria imposed by mediators.

The document defines transitional justice as a response to widespread human rights violations and argues that women's access and power in these processes are vital for sustained peace. It identifies core principles for gender justice, including gender equity and accountability for crimes against women and girls. Through case studies of Tunisia and Colombia, it demonstrates how women's participation can expand the definition of victimhood to include socio-economic harm and prohibit amnesty for sexual violence. The briefing also lists methods for active participation and identifies various barriers to women's engagement, such as cultural norms, physical distance from political centers, and the risk of re-victimization.

The author contends that COVID-19 has exposed vulnerabilities in African governance and that current responses are too reactive and focused solely on health security. The pandemic is projected to cause Africa's first recession in 25 years, significantly increase food insecurity, and lead to substantial job losses, particularly among youth. The document advocates for a 'whole-society approach' to security that balances health, economic, and political priorities to build resilience against future pandemics.

The document argues that while a 'grand theory' of migration does not exist, researchers can use 'theoretical triangulation' to formulate testable propositions. It presents ten such propositions covering the roles of pre-existing connections, social networks, involuntary immobility, resource constraints, environmental stress, violent conflict, economic development, development aid, and the effectiveness and unintended consequences of migration policies.

As of June 10, 2020, Israel reported 299 deaths and 18,268 confirmed cases of COVID-19. The state leveraged its advanced technology and healthcare sectors to manage the outbreak, though it faced criticism for employing counter-terrorism surveillance tools and intelligence services to track infections and procure medical equipment. The pandemic occurred during a severe political crisis, leading to the formation of a unity government. The response also highlighted disparities affecting Israeli Arabs, ultra-orthodox communities, and Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.

The report finds that 1.61 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries in 2019, with 426 million residing in specific conflict zones (within 50 km of fighting). Africa has the highest absolute number of affected children, while the Middle East has the highest proportional share. The number of children in conflict zones has generally increased since the 1990s, with millions exposed to continuous conflict throughout their childhood.

The MIGNEX Handbook Chapter 7 outlines the methodology for a large-scale survey of 12,500 young adults (aged 18-39) across 25 research areas in ten countries. It details a three-stage probability-proportional-to-size (PPS) cluster sampling strategy using satellite imagery and random walks to ensure representativeness. The guide specifies the use of Computer-Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI) via SurveyCTO software to improve data quality and efficiency. It establishes rigorous protocols for research ethics, including oral informed consent, and defines a multi-layered quality assurance framework involving enumerators, fieldwork supervisors, and data managers. The document also provides a detailed survey instrument covering themes such as migration aspirations, livelihoods, health, and governance.

The research analyzes 259 autocratic regimes from 1946 to 2008 to determine if the predictability of election dates influences regime durability. The author posits that regular election cycles create focal points for dissident collective action and prevent incumbents from 'surfing' favorable political or economic conditions. Statistical analysis indicates that regimes with more regular electoral cycles have a significantly higher probability of failure. The study suggests that manipulating the electoral calendar—through snap elections or delays—serves as a survival strategy to stymie challengers and optimize the use of state violence.

The document commemorates Arthur H. Westing, highlighting his role at PRIO and his contributions to the field of environmental security. It discusses his publications on the environmental hazards of war and security in the Baltic region, as well as his rigorous approach to academic accuracy and citations. The author notes Westing's perspectives on global overpopulation, transboundary pollution, and the relationship between economic globalization and environmental security.

The policy brief examines the intersection of migrant integration and development contributions, specifically focusing on the Norwegian experience. It argues that while diaspora members engage in development and remittance-sending largely independently of government policy, the quality of their integration—including their economic stability and legal security—significantly influences their capacity to contribute. The authors critique the current fragmentation of migration, integration, and development policies, noting that some security-focused narratives regarding remittances can stigmatize these contributions. The brief recommends recognizing diaspora initiatives as transnational civic engagement and reducing remittance costs to enhance development outcomes.

Between 1989 and 2019, Africa experienced a complex conflict landscape. While battle-related deaths have remained relatively low and stable since the early 2000s, the number of state-based conflicts reached a record high in 2019. There is a concerning increase in the involvement of the Islamic State and a rise in non-state communal conflicts. UN peacekeeping operations in the region saw a significant increase in troop size from 1999 to 2010.

Iran was the hardest-hit country in the MENA region due to a delayed lockdown and early reopening, driven by a lack of financial capacity to provide income support. US sanctions and falling oil prices limited the state's stimulus package to 0.2% of GDP, while the regime used security forces to control information and suppress protests. Despite a developed healthcare system, the pandemic caused private hospital bankruptcies and a shortage of medical staff.