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The report warns of a dramatic worsening of the situation in Burundi, characterized by the suspension of negotiations by the FDD, the non-implementation of cease-fires, and a growing movement to remove the existing political system. It highlights a critical disconnect between the rigid Arusha Process timetable and the reality of ongoing violence and political fragmentation, suggesting that the scheduled transition of the presidency on May 1, 2003, could lead to chaos or government paralysis.

The document examines the transition from formal peace to social peace in Angola, focusing on the DD&R of UNITA and FAA combatants. It highlights the critical link between the reintegration of ex-soldiers and the resettlement of millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs), arguing that sustainable peace requires a community-based approach to avoid local conflict. The authors analyze the failures of the Bicesse and Lusaka processes—citing rigid timetables, insufficient resources, and poor reintegration planning—and evaluate the 2002 'Memorandum of Understanding' and the subsequent General Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (PGDR). Key challenges identified include the proliferation of small arms among civilians, the lack of sustainable livelihoods in rural areas, and the institutional weakness of coordinating agencies like IRSEM.

The briefing examines reports of a 'soft landing' exit strategy for President Robert Mugabe involving Emmerson Mnangagwa and General Vitalis Gava Zvinavashe, which aimed for a government of national unity and free elections. This political maneuvering is driven by a severe economic crisis characterized by an 11% contraction in the economy, hyperinflation, and a food crisis exacerbated by the El Niño climatic effect and failed agrarian reforms. The document details the ethnic factionalism within ZANU-PF, specifically the rivalry between the Karanga group (led by Mnangagwa) and the Zezuru group (led by Solomon Mujuru), suggesting that the economic decline is undermining Mugabe's power base and intensifying the contest for presidential succession.

The paper examines the intersection of HIV/AIDS and the South African prison system, highlighting how overcrowding, gang violence, and poor health care accelerate the spread of the virus. It emphasizes that because a large portion of the prison population is released annually, prison health is a matter of public health. The author contends that HIV prevention cannot succeed without broader reforms to reduce the prison population and curb the power of gangs.

The document examines the tension between private party funding and democratic accountability, focusing on South Africa's lack of disclosure requirements for private donations. It analyzes funding scandals in the US, Germany, and Britain to illustrate how money can buy political influence. In South Africa, while the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act of 1997 provides state funds, the vast majority of campaign costs are met by unregulated private sources. The author argues that foreign funding can lead to neo-colonialism and internal party instability, and recommends a combination of public funding, expenditure limits, and strict transparency to mitigate corruption.

The document examines the polarized debate over GM foods in Africa, specifically focusing on the 2002 food crisis in Southern Africa. It argues that while GM technology offers potential gains, it cannot solve food security on its own because hunger is driven by complex economic, social, and political factors rather than just production. The author highlights the risks of multinational control over seeds, potential loss of biodiversity, and the danger of 'techno-fix' approaches that ignore traditional, drought-resistant crops. The report calls for SADC to harmonize biosafety regulations and for African nations to lead the debate to ensure biotechnology serves local needs rather than external commercial interests.

The document analyzes the transition of South Africa's arms control from the secretive apartheid era to a democratic framework. It details the establishment of the NCACC in 1995 following the 'Wazan debacle' and the subsequent struggle to enact the National Conventional Arms Control Bill. The author highlights a tension between the government's stated commitment to human rights and transparency and its actual practices, including arms sales to controversial regimes and executive resistance to parliamentary oversight.

The workshop, organized by UNICEF and the Institute for Security Studies, featured presentations on youth involvement in violence, the legal and technical aspects of small arms, and the effects of war on children. The event aimed to support the development of a UNICEF strategy for Africa to address the impact of small arms and light weapons on children.

Following the April 2002 ceasefire, Angola faces immense reconstruction needs, including the reintegration of approximately 105,000 ex-combatants and the resettlement of 4.3 million internally displaced persons. While the country possesses vast oil and mineral wealth, structural crises persist in health, education, and agriculture. A critical strategic concern is the Okavango River Basin; as Angola develops the headwaters in Kuando-Kubango province, potential increases in water abstraction and dam construction could negatively impact the downstream ecosystems and water security of Namibia and Botswana. Cooperation is managed through the Permanent Okavango River Basin Water Commission (OKACOM), but Angola's lack of technical capacity and hydrometric data hinders its participation in integrated water resource management.

Following the death of Jonas Savimbi in February 2002, the Angolan government and UNITA signed a cease-fire agreement on April 4, 2002. While the document notes a 'window of opportunity' for peace and economic growth, it highlights severe structural challenges, including a collapsed health and education system, destroyed infrastructure, and a dysfunctional formal economy. Despite these hurdles, the report identifies significant investment potential in oil, natural gas, road and rail reconstruction, and agriculture.

The document analyzes the 2002 Lesotho general elections within the context of the country's history of military coups and political instability. It highlights the transition to a mixed member proportional electoral system designed to prevent the unrest seen after the 1998 elections, while warning that leadership-driven party divisions and insufficient voter education could still threaten stability.

The report details the systematic efforts by the Botswana government to evict the Gana and Gwi San people from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR). It argues that while the government claims the relocation is for the provision of state services, the actual motivations are likely economic, specifically related to diamond deposits in the region. The document highlights human rights violations, including the cutting off of water supplies and the use of torture, and notes a legal challenge filed by 243 San community members in April 2002.

The briefing analyzes the factional divisions within Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF party, focusing on ethno-linguistic splits between Zezuru, Manyika, and Karanga groups. It identifies key figures such as Robert Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, and Sidney Sekeramayi as central to the struggle for presidential succession, noting that the outcome will depend on loyalty, ethnic alignment, and support from security institutions like the Central Intelligence Organisation and the Zimbabwe Defence Force.

On 15 March 2002, General François Bozizé seized control of Bangui and the Central African Republic, suspending the constitution and dissolving parliament. While the African Union expressed public disapproval, regional leaders and France showed limited support for the deposed President Patassé, who had become dependent on Libyan forces and Congolese rebels. Bozizé has appointed Dr Abel Goumba as prime minister and intends to seek post-conflict assistance from the World Bank and IMF to address government insolvency and civil service salary arrears.

Following the death of Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, the Angolan government initiated a 15 Point Plan to end the 28-year civil war, including a unilateral truce and a proposed blanket amnesty for UNITA fighters. While pre-negotiations between the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and UNITA forces (FALA) began in March 2002, the process is complicated by deep divisions within UNITA. The movement is split between the military faction (UNITA-Savimbista), parliamentarians in Luanda, an external mission led by Isaias Samakuva in Paris, and the government-recognized UNITA-Renovada under Eugenio Manuvakola. The document notes that the lack of a clear, unified leadership within UNITA and the potential for the government to delay peacetime administrative reforms may hinder a swift transition to peace.

As of mid-2001, Africa hosted approximately 5 million refugees and 21 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). The report highlights that IDPs now outnumber refugees globally and that in Africa, 80% of refugees are hosted by least developed countries. Significant displacement is driven by conflict and drought, particularly in Sudan, Angola, and the DRC. Children under 18 make up 56% of all refugees in Africa, exceeding 60% in countries such as Angola, Togo, Guinea, Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, and the DRC.

The provided text is the front matter and credits for the proceedings of a UNESCO and Institute for Security Studies (ISS) expert meeting held in Pretoria, South Africa, on 23-24 July 2001, titled 'Peace, Human Security and Conflict Prevention in Africa'.

The paper argues that while South Africa had significant opportunities for a 'peace dividend' following the end of apartheid and the Cold War, defence conversion has remained a neglected and uncoordinated process. It analyzes three main areas: the diversification of the defence industry, the demobilisation and rationalisation of military personnel, and the conversion of redundant military bases. The author concludes that the process has been hindered by a lack of overarching policy, institutional capacity, and the recent R43 billion arms procurement package, which has diminished the urgency for conversion.

The document describes a comprehensive study on Angola's war economy, detailing how the conflict transitioned from Cold War rivalry to a resource-driven insurgency. It outlines the book's structure, which analyzes the roles of the diamond and oil industries, UNITA's logistics and smuggling networks, the impact of humanitarian aid, and the ethical implications of multinational corporate involvement in a conflict zone.

Following the June 2000 elections, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) made significant gains, particularly in urban areas and Matabeleland, though ZANU-PF retained a slim majority. Despite these results, the document argues that the MDC lacks real legislative power. Economically, Zimbabwe faces a severe crisis characterized by hyperinflation, a contracting GDP, and a budget deficit reaching 16.9% of GDP. The government's 'fast track land resettlement programme' is identified as a primary driver of economic instability, threatening the commercial farming sector and risking mass impoverishment. The appointment of Simba Makoni as Minister of Finance was initially seen as a positive sign, but his efforts are undermined by President Mugabe's continued commitment to farm seizures and military intervention in the Congo.