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The document details a workshop on the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region, analyzing how factors like the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), illegal exploitation of lootable natural resources, and forced displacement create a self-perpetuating cycle of instability. It examines the role of regional bodies like the ICGLR and EAC in promoting peace and highlights the critical need for good governance, human rights protections, and coordinated regional strategies to address the root causes of violence.

The Fourth African Commanders' Conference (ACoC), held from November 1-3, 2010, in Jinja, Uganda, focused on enhancing the effectiveness of African Peace Support Operations (PSOs) and the African Standby Force (ASF). The conference emphasized the need for 'commonalité' in military education and training across African staff colleges to improve interoperability. Key discussions addressed the multidimensional nature of PSOs, highlighting the critical roles of civilian and police components, and the necessity of coordination between Regional Economic Communities (RECs). The conference reviewed the 'Exercise Uhuru' (SADC) and ECOWAS joint exercises as models for operational planning. A significant portion of the proceedings focused on the ACoC's sustainability, specifically the need to diversify funding beyond the UK government and to seek official recognition from the African Union (AU). The conference concluded with decisions to draft a formal Memorandum of Understanding for staff colleges and to pursue the establishment of a pan-African staff college, with Libya taking a lead role in the proposal.

The report examines South Africa's 2011–2012 tenure on the UN Security Council, highlighting the tension between its aspirations for permanent membership and the rigidities of the Ezulwini Consensus. It analyzes global power shifts, specifically the decline of US omnipotence and the rise of China, and identifies key thematic priorities for South Africa, including the UN-AU relationship on peacebuilding, the 'peace versus justice' debate regarding the ICC and Article 16, holistic counter-terrorism strategies, and nuclear non-proliferation. The document argues that South Africa must balance its identity as a global actor with its leadership role in Africa to effectively influence an anachronistic Council.

The briefing examines the tensions between the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) ahead of the 2011 referendum. It highlights disputes over voter registration, the status of the Abyei region, and post-referendum arrangements regarding oil revenue and borders. The author notes that while South Sudan possesses significant oil and mineral wealth, it faces challenges regarding governance, infrastructure, and ethnic stability. The document also details the role of international actors, such as the US and AUHIP, in attempting to prevent a return to armed conflict.

The document analyzes the failure to complete multiple phases of the DDR process in the DRC, noting that ongoing violence in the eastern region and a lack of political will have hindered stability. It highlights the tension between 'brassage' (retraining and deployment) and 'mixage' (local integration) and argues that the FARDC's security sector reform cannot succeed without the effective completion of DDR. The report details the roles of international bodies like MONUSCO and the World Bank, while criticizing the Congolese government's preference for operational equipment over institutional accountability and the fragmented approach of bilateral donors.

The 4th African Conference of Commandants, held in November 2010 in Uganda, focused on enhancing the efficiency of multinational peace support operations (PSOs) in Africa. The conference aimed to harmonize civilian, police, and military functions to support the African Standby Force (ASF). Delegates reviewed the status of multidimensionality in peacekeeping, analyzed the African Union Mission in Somalia, and developed a strategy to consolidate previous workplans for the coming year.

The document argues that Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change despite being among the lightest polluters. It highlights critical threats to water and food security, the potential for climate change to act as a 'threat multiplier' for conflict, and the urgent need for improved climate information and financial compensation from developed nations for adaptation.

The 2010 elections in Burundi were marked by a dominant victory for the ruling CNDD-FDD and a significant boycott by opposition parties following the communal polls. While international observers generally viewed the process as meeting democratic norms, the opposition cited massive fraud and a biased playing field. This resulted in a government and parliament heavily dominated by the CNDD-FDD, raising concerns about the long-term inclusivity of Burundi's democratic consolidation.

The briefing examines Liberia's fragile state as it prepares for the 2011 elections. While President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has overseen significant infrastructural and economic growth, the document highlights critical failures in national reconciliation following a controversial Truth and Reconciliation Commission report, a weak and under-equipped security sector, and a severely degraded justice system. It argues that the 2011 elections are a critical test for the country's stability and the timing of UN troop withdrawal.

The document examines the rise of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and the challenges they pose to state monopolies on force. It argues that while PMSCs offer specialized skills and logistical support that could enhance African peacekeeping and Security Sector Reform (SSR), a critical lack of a binding international legal framework leads to accountability gaps and human rights abuses. The author distinguishes PMSCs from mercenaries and advocates for a supportive, non-offensive role for these companies, regulated by international law to prevent impunity.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The document examines the 2010 Burundian elections, which were marked by a widespread opposition boycott of the presidential race and a subsequent shift toward one-party dominance by the CNDD-FDD. It traces the roots of this crisis to constitutional disputes and the ruling party's perceived authoritarianism since 2005. The author warns that while a full-scale rebellion is currently remote, the lack of trust and exclusion of opposition parties could lead to gradual political deterioration or renewed violence. Recommendations include urgent international mediation by the East African Community and the UN, as well as long-term capacity building to transform former rebel movements into democratic political parties.

The document critiques the African Union's (AU) decision to increase AMISOM forces from approximately 6,300 to 8,000 troops following Al-Shabaab bombings in Kampala in July 2010. It argues that the mission lacks the resources and political support necessary to succeed, noting that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) lacks national legitimacy. Drawing parallels to failures in Afghanistan and previous UN missions in Somalia, the authors suggest that military intervention alone cannot resolve the crisis. They recommend a holistic strategy centered on an all-inclusive political process involving Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, Puntland, and Somaliland, alongside the involvement of regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea, before transferring the mandate to a fully resourced UN mission.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The document examines the 'smart sanctions' imposed by Western nations on Zimbabwe, concluding that their effectiveness has been limited by implementation loopholes and regional support for the Mugabe regime. It argues that while these measures were intended to pressure the elite, they have been used by ZANU-PF as a political scapegoat for economic decline. The author suggests a middle ground of conditional lifting to reward progress and deflate anti-imperialist rhetoric.

The document evaluates the outcomes of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, highlighting the tension between the aspirations of Non-Nuclear Weapon States (NNWS), particularly those in Africa, and the reluctance of Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) to commit to firm disarmament timelines. While it notes achievements such as the agreement to convene a conference on a Middle East nuclear-weapon-free zone in 2012 and the reaffirmation of the right to peaceful nuclear energy, it argues that the final document largely maintains the status quo. The authors emphasize the importance of the Treaty of Pelindaba and the need for a comprehensive Nuclear Weapons Convention to move beyond the NPT's perceived discriminatory structure.

Dr. Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), delivered opening remarks on April 13, 2010, for the launch of the ISS's expanded Nairobi office. The speech details the ISS's evolution from a South African organization founded in 1991 to a pan-African think tank focused on "sustainable human security." Cilliers highlights the institute's regional presence in Pretoria, Cape Town, Addis Ababa, and Nairobi, and its collaborations with various African Union and regional bodies. The remarks also introduce new initiatives, including the African Conflict Prevention System (ACPS) and the proposed ISS Peace Academy in Addis Ababa, which aims to provide training on non-traditional security issues such as climate change.

The document examines the viability of Sudan's April 2010 elections, arguing that they are plagued by democratic closure, security concerns, and extreme logistical complexity. It highlights the boycott of the presidential race by Yassir Arman and disputes over the 2008 census as key risk factors. The author suggests that the elections should have been postponed or simplified, as the complexity of the ballots—particularly in South Sudan—and the proximity to the January 2011 self-determination referendum undermine their purpose of promoting national unity.

The Treaty of Pelindaba establishes Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone, prohibiting the research, development, stationing, and testing of nuclear explosive devices. Entered into force on 15 July 2009, the treaty requires parties to renounce nuclear weapons, prohibit the dumping of radioactive waste, and maintain high security standards for nuclear facilities. Compliance is managed by the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE), and verification of peaceful nuclear activities is conducted through comprehensive safeguards agreements with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The treaty includes three protocols to ensure the cooperation of nuclear-weapon states and those controlling territories within the zone.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.