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The 2011 elections in the DRC were marked by significant logistical failures, allegations of fraud, and persistent insecurity, particularly in the east. While Joseph Kabila was declared the winner and consolidated power, the process was criticized by international observers and the opposition for lacking transparency. Post-election dynamics have been characterized by continued instability in the Kivu regions, including military mutinies and the emergence of the M23 group, alongside deep-seated socio-economic poverty and ethnic polarization.

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, a political novice with a background in education and civil society, was elected president of Somalia on 10 September 2012. He faces the monumental tasks of reconstructing the state, building sustainable institutions, addressing state corruption, and managing the threat of Al-Shabaab, which may miniaturise and operate from various locations if its stronghold in Kismayo falls. His success depends on ensuring security to attract the diaspora's help and balancing Western influence with domestic Somali needs.

The document argues that while a 'Green Revolution' focused solely on increasing crop yields and land cultivation could make Africa a net food exporter and boost GDP, it would not significantly reduce undernutrition because most production would be exported. To improve human development, the authors propose a 'Green Revolution for Development' that couples production increases with policies to stimulate domestic food demand and access, alongside improvements in water and sanitation.

On 20 August 2012, 215 parliamentarians were sworn in at Mogadishu airport, marking the first such ceremony on Somali soil in over two decades. While the event is viewed as a 'watershed moment' by the international community, the process faced delays due to disputes over the vetting of nominees by the Technical Selection Committee (TSC). Critical milestones remain, including the election of a speaker and president, which are complicated by clan dynamics and allegations of vote buying.

The report examines Swaziland's non-party political system, specifically the tinkhundla model, arguing that it serves to maintain the absolute monarchy's power rather than facilitate democratic governance. It highlights the lack of political plurality, the marginalization of pro-democracy movements, and the gap between Swaziland's international commitments and its domestic legal practices. The author calls for a more proactive role from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to encourage democratic reform and human rights protections.

The briefing addresses two distinct regional security issues: a resurfacing border dispute between Malawi and Tanzania triggered by oil and gas exploration in Lake Malawi, and the fragile security situation in Côte d'Ivoire where stalled security sector reform and DDR processes have left the country vulnerable to armed attacks.

The document analyzes the Indian Ocean as a critical global trade and energy highway, detailing the shift from colonial hegemony to a complex environment involving new regional powers like India and China. It identifies key security threats including piracy, illegal fishing, smuggling, and asymmetrical attacks by non-state actors, while evaluating the role of international naval coalitions and regional cooperation frameworks in maintaining maritime order.

The document discusses the election of South Africa's Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma as head of the African Union (AU) Commission on 15 July 2012. It analyzes the aggressive campaign by South Africa and SADC, the reasons for her success—including election fatigue and the absence of key opponents—and the potential for resistance from AU members who perceive South Africa as having 'bullied' its way into the position. Despite these tensions, the briefing suggests her administrative skills and pan-African knowledge could improve AU functionality and consolidate peace, security, and governance initiatives.

The 2011 elections in the DRC were marked by logistical failures, allegations of fraud, and political radicalization. While Joseph Kabila was declared the winner and maintained a parliamentary majority, the process was criticized by international observers and the domestic opposition. Post-election stability has been undermined by renewed insecurity in the east, specifically army mutinies and tensions with Rwanda, alongside persistent socioeconomic hardship and a lack of national reconciliation.

The document analyzes internal ANC power struggles, focusing on President Jacob Zuma's strategic appointments and cabinet reshuffles intended to secure his second term. It highlights the roles of rivals such as Kgalema Mothlante, Tokyo Sexwale, and the expelled Julius Malema, while noting a rise in public service protests and internal party instability.

The document analyzes the escalation of violence in North Kivu, DRC, linked to the M23 rebel group and alleged Rwandan support, alongside the economic collapse and civil unrest in Sudan following the loss of oil revenues to South Sudan.

The briefing details how President Jacob Zuma used cabinet reshuffles and the appointment of National Police Commissioner Mangwashi Phiyega to ensure political loyalty ahead of the ANC national conference in Mangaung. It highlights growing opposition from figures such as Julius Malema, Kgalema Mothlante, and Tokyo Sexwale, as well as increasing public unrest evidenced by frequent service delivery protests.

The document analyzes the first free presidential election in Egypt following the ousting of Hosni Mubarak. It identifies three front-running candidates—Amr Moussa, Mohammed Mursi, and Abdelmumein Al Futuh—and discusses the tension between continuity and change. The briefing highlights critical challenges for the incoming president, including high unemployment, the absence of a finalized constitution, and the influential role of the military in both politics and the economy. It also notes the interests of international actors, specifically the United States, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, in the election's outcome.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The document details a May 2012 meeting in Nairobi involving 19 researchers and practitioners to address the dominance of Northern perspectives in gender, peace and security (GPS) scholarship. Participants identified critical gaps in current research, such as the lack of evidence-based homegrown data and the failure to address structural causes of insecurity. The session concluded with the proposal to establish a pan-African think-tank to generate scientific knowledge and alternative narratives that reflect African experiences and agency, moving beyond 'women as victims' discourses.

The document examines the failures of financial disclosure systems in South African local government, noting that current monitoring focuses on compliance rather than the detection of irregularities. It highlights the risks of corruption in public procurement and the limitations of both internal and external oversight mechanisms, recommending the recruitment of independent monitoring personnel and improved public access to disclosure records.

The document argues that while governance-related intra-state conflicts have become more prevalent than direct inter-state border disputes since the late 1980s, Africa's porous and artificial colonial borders continue to threaten peace and security. These boundaries facilitate the 'regionalisation of conflict' by allowing domestic instability to spill over into neighbouring states, as seen in the Great Lakes region, the Horn of Africa, and West Africa. The author contends that the African Union's (AU) policy of maintaining the colonial status quo (the 'inviolability of national boundaries') has not eliminated tensions. To address this, the AU Border Programme (AUBP) seeks to transform borders from 'barriers' into 'bridges' through proper delimitation and demarcation, which the author identifies as a necessary precondition for successful continental integration and the structural prevention of conflict.

The document examines Mozambique's transition from a Marxist system to a market-oriented multiparty democracy following a civil war (1977–1992). It highlights the political dominance of Frelimo and the struggles of opposition parties like Renamo and MDM. The report details a heavy reliance on international aid, which compromises national sovereignty, and a fragile economy characterized by a massive informal sector and high urban unemployment. It concludes that the lack of a viable political alternative to Frelimo and persistent socio-economic stresses pose risks to national and regional stability.

Former President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah details Sierra Leone's transition from a failed state characterized by a brutal civil war (1991–2002) to a functioning democracy. He attributes the conflict to bad governance, corruption, and the influence of the Liberian conflict, while highlighting the role of international interventions (ECOMOG, UN, UK, US) and internal reforms in restoring peace. The report emphasizes the importance of constitutional adherence, security sector reform, and the fight against corruption in sustaining stability.

The document argues that road traffic accidents are a critical development issue in Africa, with fatalities forecast to rise as motorisation increases without corresponding infrastructure improvements. By comparing a 'base case' forecast with an 'improved scenario' where death rates are stabilised at the current continental average of 32 per 100,000 people, the authors estimate that Africa could prevent 4.2 million deaths and add US$ 234 billion to its GDP by 2050. The brief highlights that the economic gains, primarily driven by a larger labour force, would far outweigh the estimated costs of intervention, which range from US$ 1.7 billion to US$ 24 billion.