Search Climate Insights Directory

The document condemns the travel bans imposed by the US, EU, and Canada on Southern African countries after the detection of the Omicron variant, describing them as 'unjustified and lacking scientific basis'. It argues that these measures penalize South Africa for its scientific transparency and ignore the 'vaccine apartheid' that left Africa as the most under-vaccinated continent, with only 6.66% of its population fully vaccinated. The authors state that these restrictions cripple struggling economies, specifically impacting tourism which accounts for 3% of South Africa's GDP, 11% for Namibia, and 13% for Botswana. Furthermore, the text highlights the role of 'vaccine nationalism' and the refusal of the EU, Switzerland, and Japan to waive intellectual property rights for vaccines as structural failures in the global pandemic response.

The document examines the OECD's two-pillar solution for digital taxation, noting that while the EU and most African Inclusive Framework (IF) members support it, significant gaps remain. African entities like the ATAF and G24 advocate for the redistribution of total profits rather than residual profits, higher minimum taxes, and non-binding dispute resolution. The author highlights that 'stabilization clauses' in investment treaties may prevent African countries from adjusting tax incentives to meet minimum tax rules without losing revenue to home states. The paper suggests the EU could support Africa through technical assistance and by advocating for transparent, regionalized arbitration centres.

The paper examines the transition of Euro-African trade from the non-reciprocal preferences of the Lomé Convention to the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) under the Cotonou Agreement. It argues that EPAs have been unrealistic for African least developed countries (LDCs) due to demands for 80% market opening, which threatens regional integration and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). While Europe remains Africa's lead trading partner (32% share in 2018), the author calls for a move away from paternalism and short-term free-trade expectations toward co-production and sustainable partnerships.

The document argues that African countries cannot rely solely on the developed world's unmet USD 100 billion annual climate finance pledge and must instead leverage collective bargaining, critical mineral resources, and regional trade agreements to secure funding. It highlights a significant finance gap and a concerning shift toward loan-based support that increases debt burdens for vulnerable nations. The author suggests that African states should link access to rare earth minerals to investments in local green industrialization and use platforms like the WTO and AU-EU negotiations to protect economic interests during the energy transition.

The document examines how Sub-Saharan Africa can utilize the energy transition to foster industrialization. It proposes strategies including the creation of green industrial policies, the development of domestic manufacturing capabilities for clean technologies through research and skills transfer, and the strategic use of natural gas and critical minerals to bridge energy access gaps and move up the global value chain.

The report examines the role of indigenous knowledge in bridging climate data gaps in Africa, highlighting how traditional observation methods and community-based forecasting can enhance the accuracy of early warning systems when integrated with scientific meteorology. It identifies the decline of this knowledge due to modernization and the preference for top-down scientific models, while providing examples of successful 'co-production' of climate information in countries like Kenya.

The paper examines the potential of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) technologies to transform South Africa's commercial landscape by reducing dependence on physical currency. It highlights the risks of cash-in-transit (CIT) heists and ATM attacks, noting that 243 CIT heists occurred in 2019. While acknowledging challenges such as the third-highest global rate of cybercrime and a large informal economy, the authors argue that digital payment systems—similar to those adopted in China, Kenya, and the UK—could improve security and economic inclusivity. The document identifies barriers to e-commerce growth in South Africa, including high banking charges, lack of funding for SMMEs, strict labour laws, and expensive internet data.

The document examines the industrial and trade policy challenges Africa faces during the transition to a lower carbon economy. It emphasizes that for the transition to be 'just,' Africa must move beyond exporting primary products and importing green technology to becoming a manufacturer of value-added lower-carbon products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for creating regional value chains for renewable energy components. The paper warns against premature trade liberalization and unilateral carbon-based import restrictions from developed nations, which it characterizes as 'green-washed protectionism.' It concludes that Africa should advocate for a Global Green New Deal that explicitly recognizes the right of developing countries to industrialize and receive real resource transfers for climate adaptation and mitigation.

The document examines the intersection of industrial and trade policy with the green transition in Africa. It argues that for the continent to avoid becoming a 'net loser' in the shift to a low-carbon economy, it must move toward higher value-added production of green technologies rather than remaining an exporter of primary products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for establishing regional value chains for renewable energy products. The paper also emphasizes the need for 'policy space' to protect nascent industries, warning against premature trade liberalization and unilateral 'border adjustment taxes' from developed nations. Additionally, it stresses the urgency of 'climate proofing' infrastructure to create jobs and mitigate the inevitable extreme weather events predicted by the IPCC. Finally, the paper calls for African nations to advocate for a Global Green New Deal that respects the right of developing countries to industrialize and includes meaningful resource transfers.

The document examines the geopolitical competition between the US and China in Africa, suggesting that African nations can increase their agency by playing rival powers against each other to obtain better investment, infrastructure funding, and trade agreements. It highlights examples from Guinea and Ethiopia where this strategy yielded better contract terms and infrastructure packages. The author proposes five measures for African governments: avoiding opportunistic short-term offers, adopting integrated strategic plans (citing Senegal's Plan Emergent Senegal), learning from other regions like Latin America and Southeast Asia, enhancing bureaucratic capacity and local expertise on foreign partners, and promoting trilateral or quadrilateral cooperation between traditional and new partners.

The European Green Deal (EGD) aims to reduce EU net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 percent from 1990 levels by 2030, creating significant spillovers for Africa in sectors such as energy, agriculture, and critical raw materials. The document argues that to avoid replicating past dependencies, the EU must align its policies with African development priorities and provide concessional climate financing focused on adaptation. Simultaneously, African nations are urged to articulate their own climate transition agendas, update resource mapping to attract foreign direct investment, and strengthen local content laws to ensure technology transfer and job localization.

The webinar 'State of Africa’s Digital Agenda' examined the current landscape of digital policies in Africa, emphasizing the need for harmonized continental standards, people-centered design to bridge the digital divide, and the development of local data capacities to move beyond being mere consumers of digital products.

The document reviews digital policies across Africa, finding that while most countries have strategies focusing on infrastructure, e-government, and cybersecurity, there is a lack of continental harmonization. It highlights the significant role of external actors, noting that China provides much of the physical infrastructure (e.g., 70% of 4G base stations via Huawei) while the EU exerts regulatory influence through development assistance and agreements like the EU-ACP, which incorporates GDPR standards. The authors argue for an Africa-led, harmonized digital strategy to avoid fragmented standards and better leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

The document examines the G7 proposal for taxing the digitalised economy, specifically the OECD's Pillar 1 and Pillar 2. It argues that the US-led amendments—including a 15% global minimum effective tax rate and high revenue thresholds for Pillar 1—disadvantage African nations. The brief highlights that many MNEs operate in Africa without a physical presence, exploiting loopholes to avoid tax. It warns that the proposed rules may force African countries to surrender unilateral taxing rights (like Digital Service Taxes) without gaining significant revenue, as most MNEs in Africa fall below the G7's high thresholds. The authors advocate for a UN-led global tax body to ensure greater legitimacy and equity.

This document outlines the nine strategic pillars of the Critical Minerals Mission for Sustainable Strategic Advantage (CMMSSA), a framework designed to transform South Africa's critical minerals sector. The strategy focuses on moving from raw mineral exports to local beneficiation, enhancing geoscience mapping, improving infrastructure, and fostering regional integration within Southern Africa to support the global energy transition.

The document details community-led adaptation strategies across different ecological zones in Ghana. In the West Gonja District, women use Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLAs) and energy-saving stoves to enhance organic shea processing and resilience. In the Savannah and northern regions, farmers employ climate-smart agriculture, including agroforestry and solar-powered irrigation, to improve soil fertility. In the peri-urban area of Aboabo, residents implement early warning systems and infrastructure modifications to mitigate flooding. Along the coast in Keta, communities use gabions, beach nourishment, and mangrove restoration to combat coastal erosion and sea-level rise.

The document details local adaptation efforts in Nigeria across three sectors: biogas production in Ogun state to reduce fuelwood reliance and protect forests; aquaculture improvements in Lagos state to secure livelihoods against climate impacts; and erosion control in Anambra state to prevent land degradation. While these actions align with Nigeria's NDCs and national policies, they are hindered by limited financial services, poor government support, and a lack of advanced technological know-how.

The document details community-based adaptation strategies in Senegal across three sectors. In Daga Birame, a 'climate-smart village' model utilizes climate forecasts, photovoltaic-powered boreholes, and assisted natural regeneration to increase agricultural yields. In the island communities of Dionewar, the 'Epis Maltais Savard' system of stakes and palm fronds has gained 2.6 metres of beach to combat coastal erosion. In Widou Thiengoly, adaptation focuses on heatwave resilience through early warning systems, Nubian vault construction for heat protection, and reforestation supported by the Great Green Wall Agency. All three initiatives align with Senegal's Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) but face common challenges including insufficient financing and limited technical capacity.