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The document argues that ICTs are essential enablers for climate change adaptation, facilitating the collection of environmental data and the dissemination of early warnings to vulnerable populations. It highlights the role of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in supporting the Nairobi Framework and the Hyogo Framework for Action by developing standards, improving telecommunications infrastructure, and deploying weather stations in under-served regions like Africa.

The document argues that Africa's vulnerability to climate change is exacerbated by weak environmental information systems and a lack of data-driven policy. It categorizes information needs into three types: responsive (rapid data for early warning and disaster response), proactive (long-term bio-physical projections and sectoral data), and robust (managing uncertainty through regional climate models). The author highlights South Africa's use of the Wide Area Monitoring Information System (WAMIS) and the Disaster Management Act of 2002 as models for integrating disaster risk reduction into local development planning. The paper concludes that African nations must leverage international networks like the Group on Earth Observation (GEO) to overcome technical capacity gaps and avoid 'mal-adaptation' costs.

The document examines the 'double incarnation' of Libyan foreign policy under Muammar Qaddafi. From 1970 to the mid-1990s, Libya focused on pan-Arabism and frequently destabilized African nations by supporting rebel groups in Chad, Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Since the late 1990s, Tripoli shifted toward pan-Africanism, playing a central role in the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD). The paper details Libya's efforts to act as a peace broker, specifically in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and its use of 'chequebook diplomacy' through development aid and capital investments via companies like LAAICO and LAFICO.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The document details the conclusion of the peace process between the Government of Burundi and the Palipehutu-FNL, including the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of combatants and the movement's transition into a political party. It further analyses the volatile pre-electoral environment for the 2010 polls, highlighting disputes over the electoral code, internal party divisions, and the risk of violence driven by the militarisation of youth leagues and incomplete civilian disarmament.

The document examines the intersection of environmental governance and climate change in Africa, highlighting the continent's high vulnerability due to low adaptive capacity and 'multiple stresses'. It analyzes specific case studies on land degradation and gender in Uganda, informal institutions in the Lake Victoria Basin, and renewable energy policies in Nigeria and Uganda. It further critiques the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) from an African perspective, suggesting reforms to increase participation and sustainable development. Finally, it argues for a human rights-based approach to climate mitigation and adaptation to protect the most vulnerable populations.

The document analyses the systemic drivers of political violence in Kenya, including strong executive powers, impunity, and socioeconomic inequalities. It evaluates responses such as criminal prosecutions via the ICC or domestic tribunals, institutional reforms, and the establishment of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to prevent future recurrence.

The research finds that large youth cohorts significantly increase the risk of political violence primarily in societies with low male secondary education levels. This effect is most pronounced in low and middle-income countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study supports the 'opportunity cost' hypothesis, suggesting that higher education reduces the incentive for young men to join rebel organizations. Conversely, it finds no evidence that rapid educational expansion or low progression ratios between education levels increase conflict risk.

The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.

In a keynote address at a 2009 roundtable conference, Minister Okello Oryem Henry identifies key drivers of African security, including conflict management, economic integration, and the governance of natural resources. He advocates for a gradual process of African integration toward a 'United States of Africa' to enhance the continent's collective ability to face endogenous and exogenous threats. The Minister highlights specific risks such as water disputes over the Nile, border demarcation conflicts, and the need for sustainable funding for African-led peace support operations like the Africa Standby Force.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on July 14, 2009, which assessed the instability in eastern DRC. Key discussions focused on the role of armed groups like the FDLR and CNDP, the effectiveness of military operations such as Kimia II and Umoja Wetu, and the normalization of relations between the DRC and Rwanda. The seminar highlighted systemic challenges including a weak national army, land tenure disputes, corruption, and the limitations of MONUC's bureaucratic structure and troop levels. Recommendations emphasized strengthening democratic processes, building army capacity, and pursuing political dialogue for the disarmament of FDLR members not involved in the 1994 genocide.

The report assesses the ICC's operations in the DRC, highlighting a gap between the government's political support and its actual technical capacity to cooperate. It examines specific cases, such as those of Thomas Lubanga and Jean-Pierre Bemba, and analyzes how domestic politics and the pursuit of peace in the Kivus create tensions with the ICC's mandate. The author finds that while the ICC is viewed as a crucial tool against impunity, victims and civil society express frustration over limited outreach, perceived selectivity in prosecutions, and the Court's low public profile.

The report details a 2009 conference in Addis Ababa focused on structural and operational conflict prevention in Africa. Key discussions included the role of civil society in early warning, the necessity of integrating traditional and modern institutions, and the challenges of political will. The conference highlighted the ECOWAS framework and IGAD's counter-terrorism efforts, while concluding with recommendations to harmonize prevention standards and strengthen partnerships between the AU, RECs, and civil society.

The document examines the fragile peace process in Burundi, specifically the integration of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL into the political system. It details the role of regional mediators, the impact of internal power struggles within the ruling CNDD-FDD, and the eventual symbolic concession by the FNL to drop ethnic references from its name to allow for political registration. It also notes significant debt relief provided by the World Bank and IMF in early 2009.

The Juba peace process between the government of Uganda (GOU) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has stalled, primarily due to Joseph Kony's refusal to sign the Final Peace Agreement (FPA) over concerns regarding International Criminal Court (ICC) indictments. The conflict has expanded beyond northern Uganda into southern Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the Central African Republic (CAR), effectively becoming a regional conflict system. While the Juba talks are described as the most comprehensive effort to date, they lack sufficient leverage to coerce parties into an agreement. Consequently, regional military cooperation between Uganda, the DRC, and southern Sudan has increased, including a joint offensive in Garamba (DRC) in December 2008. The document argues that a purely military solution is unlikely to succeed and that a sustainable end-game requires a multi-pronged approach addressing regional rivalries and the tension between peace and international justice.

The report details a December 2006 workshop used to test the first section of the CSC Manual, 'Assessing Conflict'. Participants identified and prioritised conflicts around Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP), specifically focusing on pastoralist encroachment and policy implementation gaps. Using tools like Conflict Trees, Conflict Mapping, and Stakeholder Analysis, the workshop identified root causes—such as land scarcity and ethnic rivalry—and proposed entry points for conflict resolution and sensitivity strategies for the CARE REPA programme.

The manual defines conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) as programming that accounts for the causes, actors, and impacts of conflict to avoid exacerbating tensions and to support peace. It outlines a three-step institutional process for organizations to adopt CSC—assessing capacity, allocating human resources, and developing guiding principles—and a two-step project-level process involving conflict analysis and the design of sensitive solutions. The manual emphasizes that conservation can inadvertently fuel conflict by restricting resource access, imposing economic burdens, or distributing benefits unequally, but it can also foster peace by addressing root causes of resource scarcity and creating non-threatening spaces for dialogue.

The manual introduces 'Conflict-Sensitive Conservation' (CSC), a process designed for conservation organizations operating in or near protected areas, particularly in conflict-prone regions. It argues that while conservation can prevent conflict by managing scarce resources, poorly designed interventions—such as restricting resource access or unequal benefit distribution—can inadvertently trigger or fuel violence. The guide outlines a three-step institutional process to adopt CSC (assessing capacity, allocating human resources, and defining principles) and a two-step programmatic process (conflict analysis and the design/monitoring of solutions). It provides specific tools for analysis, including conflict trees, conflict mapping, and stakeholder profiling, and emphasizes the importance of gender-sensitive approaches to peacebuilding.