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The policy brief examines how BRICS partnerships can accelerate the digitisation of African agriculture to drive economic growth. It identifies key barriers in Africa, such as weak coordination and low FDI, and highlights successful digital agricultural models in China, Brazil, India, Russia, and South Africa. The author recommends using the New Development Bank (NDB) and the AfCFTA to improve infrastructure and trade, while urging African nations to adopt policies that foster digital literacy and agri-tech entrepreneurship.

A joint submission by PARI, PSAM, TEI, and Corruption Watch regarding the Public Administration and Management Amendment Bill 2023, focusing on strengthening prohibitions against public sector employees conducting business with the state and improving financial disclosure and remuneration standards in South Africa.

The submission supports the Public Service Amendment Bill 2023's goal of professionalising public administration but argues that the Bill does not go far enough to prevent political interference. The authors propose clarifying the distinct roles of the President/Premier versus Ministers/MECs, strengthening the role of the Head of the Presidency in managing senior career paths, and introducing robust checks and balances in the appointment of Heads of Department (HODs). They specifically advocate for de-linking HOD tenure from political terms and extending prohibitions on holding political office to all public servants to prevent the 'strategic positioning of particular individuals in positions of power' used during state capture.

The report critiques Tetra4's Cluster 2 gas expansion, citing significant data gaps in structural geology and hydrogeology. The author argues that the company's groundwater flow models and contamination simulations for methane and total dissolved solids (TDS) are unreliable because they ignore the complex nature of fractured-rock aquifers. Furthermore, the report contends that the proposed monitoring network is inadequate, relying on repurposed water-supply wells rather than strategically placed monitoring wells, and lacks essential analytical testing for carcinogens and radioisotopes.

PARI and PSAM support the Draft Public Service Commission Bill (2023) as a step toward professionalising South Africa's public administration but argue that the legislation must be strengthened to ensure the Commission remains a non-partisan bulwark against patronage. The submission recommends stricter rules on the political affiliations of commissioners and staff, greater transparency for reports, and clearer financial independence to prevent political interference in the public service.

This document is an appeal submitted by groundWork and the Vukani Environmental Justice Movement in Action against a decision by the National Air Quality Officer (NAQO) to grant Eskom a postponement of compliance with Minimum Emission Standards (MES) for the Kusile Power Station. The Appellants argue that the decision is unlawful, violates constitutional rights to a healthy environment, and was based on flawed health and atmospheric impact assessments and unfounded claims regarding the reduction of load shedding.

The report examines the G7 Climate Club, an intergovernmental forum aimed at achieving global net-zero emissions by mid-century. While acknowledging its goals, the author argues that the Club's structure—particularly its focus on rapid decarbonisation and potential trade restrictions—could undermine African development. Key concerns include the economic reliance of African nations on hydrocarbon exports, the high cost of transitioning to low-carbon industrial processes, and the risk of trade protectionism through mechanisms like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The report highlights a history of unfulfilled G7 financial pledges to Africa and recommends a co-design approach that prioritises technology transfer, climate justice, and financial support over strict carbon accounting and trade sanctions.

The report explores how repeating national climate risk assessments (CRAs) can support the monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) of national adaptation efforts. While CRAs are traditionally used to inform planning, the author argues they can also track changes in vulnerability over time to assess adaptation success. Analysis of 12 countries reveals a shift toward viewing CRAs as continuous learning processes rather than static reports, with a growing consensus that updates should occur roughly every five years to align with policy cycles. However, the report finds that fully standardized approaches to repeating CRAs are often impractical due to evolving science and shifting policy priorities. Instead, it suggests a flexible approach where only specific components are standardized. Early adopters like Germany and the United Kingdom have begun using CRAs to evaluate NAP effectiveness, though they face methodological challenges, including the time lag between implementing measures and seeing tangible risk reductions.

The author argues that the South African government has neglected urban land reform in favor of agricultural land distribution, leaving urban youth and the poor in precarious informal settlements. The letter calls for the adoption of an urban land policy and the signing of the Expropriation Bill to unlock idle land and provide secure housing and economic opportunities for the youth.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) issued a statement to the Petroleum Agency of South Africa (PASA) expressing concerns over transparency, environmental monitoring, and the lack of Climate Change Impact Assessments (CCIAs) for upstream gas and petroleum activities.

The policy brief identifies three primary drivers of food insecurity in Africa: limits to agricultural land, limits to agricultural productivity, and climate change effects. It highlights a steady decline in arable land per capita from 0.31 in 1990 to 0.2 in 2020, alongside severe productivity gaps where African farmers use only 8kg of fertiliser per hectare compared to 140kg in Asia and Latin America. The document calls on the G20 to provide financial and technical support for soil mapping, small-scale irrigation, the Africa Fertilizer Financing Mechanism, and the commercialisation of quality seeds to help the continent meet UN Sustainable Development Goals and AU Agenda 2063 targets.

Reclaim Finance criticizes the Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) for becoming the top global financier of fossil fuels, providing US$40.6 billion in financing last year. The organization highlights significant loopholes in RBC's October 2020 coal policy, which excludes only new clients and uses high revenue thresholds (60%) that fail to capture the majority of coal mining and power companies. The document details RBC's continued support for coal developers like Glencore and RWE, as well as utilities in the US and Canada that lack credible coal phase-out plans, urging the bank to adopt a mandatory coal exit by 2030 in the OECD and 2040 globally.

One year after the State Capture Commission report, the Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI) asserts that the South African government's implementation of recommendations to hold perpetrators accountable and reform state institutions has been insufficient. While some efforts to professionalise public administration exist, the document highlights failures in developing anti-corruption architecture and addressing state-owned enterprise (SOE) governance. It notes that the President's legislative reform programme lacks momentum and the National Assembly has failed to adopt key recommendations for improving executive oversight.

The author contends that while tourism in Africa has grown significantly, its developmental impact is limited by 'economic leakages' where revenue is expatriated to foreign economies. Using Zanzibar as a case study, the paper demonstrates that foreign-owned all-inclusive resorts dominate the high-end market, while locals are relegated to unskilled labor and struggle to integrate their goods into the supply chain. The document traces this trend to IMF Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) of the 1980s, which liberalized economies for foreign investment. To mitigate these issues, the author suggests investing in local infrastructure to meet international standards and promoting intra-African leisure tourism.

This research paper examines social accountability capacity-building activities implemented by Oxfam South Africa in three rural local municipalities within the Alfred Nzo District Municipality to enable informal community-based organisations to hold local government accountable for service non-delivery.

The document asserts that ISDS mechanisms act as a major barrier to environmental and climate policies by allowing foreign investors to challenge state regulations. It highlights a lack of transparency, the phenomenon of 'regulatory chill' where states avoid policy for fear of arbitration, and the failure of 'modernized' treaties to limit risks. The authors argue that investment treaties do not significantly increase foreign direct investment but do impose high costs on states, particularly in the Global South. They recommend that states terminate old treaties, carve out climate measures from ISDS scope, and shift dispute resolution to domestic judicial systems.

The document argues that coastal and island countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) are highly vulnerable to climate risks like cyclones and sea-level rise, necessitating the use of ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA). While some progress exists, implementation is hindered by siloed governance, lack of capacity at local government levels, and insufficient finance. The brief recommends integrating specific EbA targets into 2025 Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), aligning biodiversity and ocean policies, and utilizing a newly established regional community of practice to share best practices and mobilize resources.

The author argues that German-African health cooperation remains shaped by colonial legacies and prioritizes European security and economic interests over African public health needs. While the German government promotes a multilateral approach and supports institutions like the WHO and Africa CDC, the author highlights a 'securitization' of health that marginalizes the poor and protects the privileged. Key tensions include the 'Triple-Win' nursing recruitment program, which may drain health systems in origin countries, and the BioNTech mRNA plant in Rwanda, which operates outside the WHO-led technology transfer hub. The paper calls for a shift toward a decolonial framework based on humility, historical justice, and a shared responsibility for global public goods, including climate-related health financing.

The paper analyzes the shift in German-African energy relations from a focus on development aid to a complex mix of energy diplomacy, foreign policy, and technical cooperation. It highlights a tension between Germany's goals for a green transition (including hydrogen partnerships) and its strategic interests in diversifying fossil fuel imports. The author critiques 'energy colonialism' and the financialization of projects, recommending that future cooperation be grounded in 'energy justice' and a value-chain approach to ensure local benefits and social standards.

The research identifies a significant gap between solar radiation potential and installed capacity in lower-income countries, driven by high costs of capital linked to sovereign, political, and off-taker risks. To address this, the authors propose a Global Credit Guarantee Facility (GCGF) with a suggested capitalization of USD 6.6 billion to provide partial guarantees for cross-border debt. The paper models two approaches for the GCGF's impact: one reducing overall risk premiums by an average of 6% and another reducing them by 3% by focusing solely on default rates. The facility aims to mobilize approximately USD 120 billion in debt to meet the 2030 solar targets of shortlisted emerging market and developing economy countries.