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The document outlines the process of creating community protocols—codified rules and procedures based on customary law—to help communities manage interactions with external parties like governments and investors. It details the role of facilitators, the common elements of a protocol (such as identity, values, and governance), and strategies for using these documents for advocacy, negotiation, and conflict resolution. A significant focus is placed on ensuring Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) and challenging top-down impact assessments through community-led evidence.

The Community Protocols Toolbox is a guide designed for NGOs and civil society to support local communities in documenting their identity, customary laws, and development priorities. It emphasizes a participatory, community-led process to enable meaningful engagement and free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) when facing industrial investment projects. The toolbox includes practical methodologies—textual, visual, verbal, and dramatic—to map territories, analyze power dynamics, and navigate legal landscapes across national and international frameworks.

This document contains the Terms of Reference (TOR) for an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) study for the construction of salt works by Al-Sherman Limited in Kilifi County, Kenya. The proposed facility will use solar technology to produce salt from seawater and will occupy approximately 753.8 hectares of land.

Between 2022 and 2024, the African Environmental Defenders Initiative documented 232 non-lethal attacks against environmental defenders, with 67% occurring in East Africa. Uganda was the most affected country, accounting for 42% of cases, largely driven by opposition to the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). The report identifies government (34%) and multinational/investment companies (20%) as the primary perpetrators. Women defenders face specific gendered threats, including the withholding of sanitary products during detention and social stigmatization. The document also details country-specific conflicts, such as conservation-linked violence in Kenya, industrial mining in the DRC, and illegal logging in Madagascar, while highlighting the role of the African Environmental Defenders Fund in providing emergency legal and psychosocial support.

The document serves as a guide to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), detailing the collective and individual rights of Indigenous peoples, including self-determination and free, prior and informed consent. It outlines the responsibilities of States and the UN, provides criteria for identifying Indigenous peoples, and offers practical avenues for reporting human rights violations through UN mechanisms. The guide specifically highlights the intersection of UNDRIP with biological diversity, conservation, and land rights.

The document critiques the proposed nuclear power plant in Uyombo, Kilifi, Kenya, highlighting a lack of transparency in the Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) and a failure to follow legal requirements for public participation. It warns of severe health and environmental risks, including radioactive waste management failures and marine ecosystem disruption. The text further notes that Kenya lacks membership in key international nuclear safety agreements and that the estimated USD 5 billion cost per plant could increase electricity tariffs for consumers. The author calls for the Parliamentary Committee on Environment and Natural Resources to halt the process and prioritise renewable energy alternatives like solar, wind, and geothermal.

This document is a series of annexes from an Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) report for the proposed Nairobi Expressway project. It includes technical specifications of the road's alignment, biodiversity data, minutes from public consultation meetings held in November and December 2019, and detailed plans for the relocation of water, sewer, and power utilities.

The document highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital attacks. It notes a significant gap in data and reporting, with women often excluded from official statistics and protection mechanisms. The brief identifies the Democratic Republic of Congo as the deadliest country for environmental defenders and calls for gender-responsive funding, legal protections, and the formal recognition of WEHRDs' leadership within UNFCCC processes and national policies.

The document highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) in Africa, including gender-based violence, criminalization, and digital attacks. It notes a significant gap in data collection, where official statistics underrepresent the scale of violence against women compared to men. The report identifies the extractive industry, poaching, and state security forces as primary sources of threats, particularly in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Kenya. It argues that WEHRDs face unique intersectional vulnerabilities based on race, class, and disability, and calls for flexible, long-term funding and gender-sensitive legal and psychosocial support to protect these activists.

The report evaluates the Climate Justice Movement (CJM) in Kenya, highlighting its role in shaping the Climate Change Act of 2016 and its ongoing efforts in policy advocacy and community resilience. While the movement is diverse—comprising CBOs, NGOs, and indigenous groups—it faces significant challenges, including shrinking civic space, internal fragmentation, and limited inclusion of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) in formal decision-making. The study recommends operationalizing the CJM engagement framework, resolving power struggles over civil society representation in the National Climate Change Council, and adopting intersectional, gender-transformative approaches to climate action.

The handbook provides a comprehensive guide for African environmental and land rights defenders (ELRDs), detailing the threats they face—including SLAPP suits and gender-based violence—and the legal avenues available for redress. It outlines the roles of the African Commission and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as sub-regional courts like the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. The document emphasizes the vulnerability of women, youth, and Indigenous communities, and provides a directory of emergency funds and support organizations.

Natural Justice provides legal support to Indigenous peoples and local communities in Africa, specifically in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Benin, Guinea, and Madagascar. The organization focuses on challenging rights infringements related to land, climate change, and extractive projects, and facilitating fair commercial transactions for traditional knowledge. Key initiatives include the development of 'community protocols' to help communities articulate their rights and the production of accessible legal resources, such as 34 national legal reviews and the Living Convention. Natural Justice also engages in international advocacy through the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and forums like the UNFCCC and CBD.

The document outlines the legal challenges faced by communities regarding land and resource rights, specifically the lack of recognition for customary laws and state ownership of sub-soil resources. It provides a comprehensive directory of international instruments, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ILO Convention 169, as well as business and finance guidelines (e.g., UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, IFC Performance Standards) that can be used to empower communities. The guide suggests including customary laws, governance structures, and specific national/international legal references in community protocols to define terms for external engagement and protect cultural and environmental heritage.

The report examines the gap between South Africa's high electrification rates and the actual ability of poor households to afford enough electricity to improve their lives. It introduces the concept of 'universal enabling access' and the 'Minimum Threshold Level of Consumption' (MTLC), arguing that current policies—such as the 50kWh Free Basic Electricity (FBE) allowance—are insufficient to catalyze socioeconomic development. The authors propose a 'Food First Approach,' suggesting that all households below the upper-bound poverty line should receive 350kWh of free electricity monthly to prevent a trade-off between energy and nutrition.

The report examines the failure of South Africa's electrification policies to translate physical infrastructure into socio-economic development due to a lack of affordability. It introduces the concept of 'enabling access' and the 'Minimum Threshold Level of Consumption' (MTLC), arguing that current policies like Free Basic Electricity (FBE) are insufficient. The authors propose a 'Food First Approach' where households below the upper poverty line receive 350 kWh of free electricity monthly to prevent them from sacrificing nutrition for energy.

The study examines the educational journeys of Somali youth in Dadaab camps, Kenya, highlighting how secondary students use education and scholarships to seek exit routes and how graduates adapt their aspirations due to limited local opportunities. It also notes the role of academically successful youth in establishing accredited schools to support others.

The research explores the role of the Norwegian-Somali community as a foreign policy actor, bridging the gap between 'ethnic lobby' literature and transnational migration studies. Through interviews and case analysis, the authors argue that the diaspora successfully influenced Norway's shift to criticize Ethiopia's 2006-2007 military intervention in Somalia and encouraged the creation of the Special Financing Facility (Trust Fund) to support the Somali government. The study identifies key enabling factors for this influence, including the diaspora's concentration in urban centers like Oslo, their high level of political engagement, and their ability to provide Norwegian decision-makers with direct access to Somali political elites. However, the authors note that the diaspora is not a unitary actor, with significant internal divisions based on clan and region, such as the Somaliland diaspora's unsuccessful lobbying for independent state recognition.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) unprecedented attempt to use military compellence against the government of Burundi in December 2015. After diplomatic efforts and targeted sanctions failed to stop violence against civilians, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) issued an ultimatum threatening a non-consensual military intervention under Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. The authors argue that this threat failed to materialise due to the Burundian government's strategic use of its status as a troop-contributing country, a lack of unity among AU member states, and a regional culture of autocracy where neighbouring leaders were reluctant to challenge the extension of presidential term limits.

The research examines the transition from Yahya Jammeh's autocracy to the 'New Gambia' under President Adama Barrow, noting a surge in public accusations of 'tribalism'. The authors argue that these accusations are 'anticipatory and speculative', driven by fears of future ethnic monopolies on power rather than current organised mobilisation. Historically, Gambian politics has largely downplayed ethnicity, with the exception of the late Jammeh era where he used anti-Mandinka rhetoric. In the 'New Gambia', the discourse focuses on the moral character of political actors, where accusing an opponent of tribalism serves to delegitimise them as 'indecent' or 'uncivilised'. The authors conclude that while ethnic identification exists in daily life and is linked to livelihoods, it remains a marginal tool for formal political power compared to the potent use of tribalist slurs as a meta-political weapon.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.