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The report examines how competition for limited water resources in Wajir District, Kenya, leads to violent conflicts that undermine pastoral livelihoods. It finds that such conflicts divert critical time and labor away from livestock management and basic services, resulting in reduced access to food, education, and healthcare. The study highlights the failure of top-down development policies and recommends harmonizing traditional and modern resource management systems to reduce insecurity.

The report assesses the environmental prerequisites for attaining the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), focusing on water for food, sustainable sanitation, and energy access. It argues that achieving MDG 1 (eradicating hunger) requires a 50% increase in freshwater use by 2015, which could lead to severe ecosystem trade-offs unless 'crop per drop' productivity improvements are implemented. In sanitation, the report advocates for ecological sanitation (ecosan) as a cost-effective alternative to conventional sewage systems, particularly for the growing urban target population. Regarding energy, it proposes an 'MDG Energy Vision' to provide basic clean cooking fuels and electricity to the poor, noting that the primary energy requirements for these goals are negligible compared to global consumption but essential for poverty reduction. The report estimates a total annual investment of USD 107 billion from 2005 to 2015 across these three sectors to meet MDG targets sustainably.

The document argues that WTO NAMA negotiations are largely ignoring environmental risks associated with tariff elimination in sectors like forestry and fisheries. It further cautions against the potential for non-tariff barrier (NTB) negotiations to undermine legitimate domestic environmental, health, and safety standards, while noting that developing countries often lack the capacity to meet these standards.

The document examines the ongoing WTO negotiations on environmental goods, noting that current proposed lists of goods for liberalization primarily benefit developed countries, who account for 79 per cent of exports. To create a more balanced outcome, the author suggests expanding the definition of environmental goods to include environmentally preferable products (EPPs) of export interest to developing countries—specifically non-timber forest products and natural fibre products—and implementing Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) provisions such as delayed compliance and less-than-full reciprocity.

The document analyzes how environmental degradation and natural resource management intersect with global security. It identifies four theoretical frameworks: the Toronto school's focus on resource capture and ecological marginalization; ENCOP's link between market transitions and violence; PRIO's analysis of conflict over abundant resources; and the 'network threats' perspective on global issues like climate change. The author argues that while environmental stress is rarely the sole cause of conflict, it increases the severity and duration of violence. The paper concludes with policy recommendations for managing resource scarcity and abundance, conflict-sensitizing protected areas, and using environmental cooperation as a confidence-building measure in post-conflict reconstruction.

The document details the evolution of South Africa-Turkey relations, moving from early religious and consular contacts in the 19th century to formal diplomatic ties established in 1992. It examines significant political frictions, including Nelson Mandela's refusal of the Ataturk Peace Prize, disputes over arms sales and human rights, and the sensitive issue of Kurdish separatism. Economically, the report notes a trade balance heavily skewed in South Africa's favour, driven largely by gold and coal exports, and discusses the role of 'Anatolian Tigers' in promoting direct investment. The report concludes with the 2005 visit of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, which aimed to cement relations and implement Turkey's 'Outreach to Africa' policy.

The report evaluates the use of solar PV, wind, mini-hydro, and biomass for rural electrification in developing countries, concluding that technology choice must be driven by local needs and productive use. It highlights that while solar PV is best for low loads, biomass and mini-hydro support more significant economic activities. The document argues that donor agencies should prioritize projects based on poverty alleviation and productive electricity use, support national energy policies, and accept higher risks for technology adaptation and workforce development.

The author contends that the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) act as a 'political camouflage' that prioritizes alleviating the visible signs of poverty—such as hunger and disease—over addressing the structural causes of African underdevelopment. While acknowledging the MDGs' role in improving the global debate on aid effectiveness, the paper argues that focusing on gross enrolment in primary education and basic health outcomes ignores the need for technical skills, commercial infrastructure, and a competitive business environment. To counter this, the author proposes a comprehensive 'African Millennium Growth Plan' centered on eight pillars: strengthening commercial infrastructure, investing in rural economies, enhancing technical skills and research, increasing domestic lending and savings, raising domestic revenue, promoting the rule of law, removing bureaucratic obstacles, and fighting corruption.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The study finds that youth bulges significantly increase the risk of domestic armed conflict, particularly when combined with economic stagnation. Using a dataset of sovereign states and dependent areas from 1950 to 2000, the author argues that the risk is heightened in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab world where youth bulges coexist with poor economic performance and unstable political regimes. The research rejects Samuel P. Huntington's theory of a specific 'critical level' threshold for conflict and suggests that previous World Bank studies failed to find these effects due to flawed measurement methods. Additionally, the author identifies migration as a critical 'safety valve' that can mitigate youth discontent.

The South Sudan Defence Force (SSDF) is a fragmented coalition of militias and former SPLM/A fighters that provides critical security for Sudan's oil fields and government-held towns in the south. Despite its strategic importance, the SSDF was omitted from the September 2003 Framework Agreement on Security Arrangements, which recognized only the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the SPLM/A. This exclusion, combined with the GoS's policy of dividing southern forces and the SPLM/A's reluctance to acknowledge the SSDF's military capacity, threatens the viability of the peace process. The report highlights ongoing violence in Western Upper Nile and among the Shilluk community as evidence of the instability caused by the lack of south-south reconciliation.

The paper examines the recurring failure of peace processes in Somalia, highlighting the role of warlords, clan dynamics, and the influence of regional powers like Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti. It details the transition from the Siyad Barre regime to a collapsed state, the relative stability of Somaliland and Puntland, and the specific outcomes of the Arta process and the Eldoret/Mbagathi conferences. The author argues that the 'violent veto' of faction leaders and the divergent interests of international mediators continue to undermine the establishment of a stable national government.

The report identifies a significant gap between high-level policy and project-level implementation in peacebuilding efforts by the U4 governments. It recommends shifting impact assessment from individual projects to a strategic level and adopting formal frameworks for both general and case-specific intervention strategies.

The research paper examines the IBSA Dialogue Forum, a partnership between India, Brazil, and South Africa aimed at balancing global power and promoting a more equitable globalisation. While the bloc has seen success in trade negotiations—specifically regarding pharmaceutical patents and challenging US-EU proposals at the WTO—it faces criticism for its exclusionary nature and the competitive economic interests of its members. The document highlights the transition from high-level diplomatic declarations to the need for tangible cooperation in sectors like health, defence, and science and technology.

The paper analyzes the Sudan-IGAD peace process, highlighting the shift from the first stage of negotiations between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the SPLM/A to a necessary second stage focused on inclusivity and democratic transformation. It argues that the success of the Machakos Protocol depends on expanding the process to include civil society and northern opposition groups, as well as resolving volatile bilateral relations with neighbors like Eritrea and Uganda. The author emphasizes the critical role of US pressure and the need for a successful referendum on self-determination for southern Sudan to prevent a return to conflict.

The document analyzes the IGAD-led peace process between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), highlighting the critical role of US pressure and the Machakos Protocol. It warns that the initial 'elite-driven' and 'secretive' approach must be replaced by transparency and democratic engagement to prevent instability from marginalized groups, such as the SSDF and the SLM/A in Darfur. The author emphasizes that internal stability is inextricably linked to resolving contentious bilateral relations with neighbors, particularly Eritrea and Uganda, and calls for a comprehensive regional framework to secure the peace.

The report details Phase One (2001-2003) of a collaborative initiative to integrate disaster risk reduction, environmental management, and poverty reduction into climate adaptation. It argues that protecting natural services and enhancing sustainable livelihoods (SL) reduce the vulnerability of the poor to climate-related hazards. Through case studies and desk assessments in regions such as Sudan, Bolivia, and Vietnam, the project demonstrated that ecosystem management and restoration (EM&R) activities—such as watershed rehabilitation and mangrove reforestation—increase community resilience. The report provides lessons for field implementation and policy integration, specifically suggesting entry points for these micro-scale activities within UNFCCC processes like National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) and the UNDP Adaptation Policy Framework (APF).

The report argues that AGOA has provided limited new opportunities for South African exports because US tariffs were already low, though some agricultural products like fruit juices and pears have seen significant growth. It identifies non-tariff barriers, such as US agricultural subsidies and strict standards, as the primary remaining obstacles to trade. The authors suggest that a reciprocal SACU-US agreement could lock in these preferences and protect South African interests against the unilateral nature of AGOA.

The report assesses the capacity of developing countries in South America, South Asia, and Southern & Eastern Africa to comply with international trade standards. It argues that while regional cooperation in accreditation, early-warning systems, and awareness-raising can offset national institutional weaknesses, the WTO's TBT Agreement is often unrealistic for 'standards-takers' who lack the scientific and legal capacity to influence international standards or prove their inappropriateness. The report recommends integrating technical assistance needs into national development plans and establishing mediation mechanisms outside the formal WTO dispute process.

The report details a workshop on rural electrification in Eastern and Southern Africa, emphasizing that modern energy services must be integrated with income-generating activities and social welfare to drive development. It evaluates various delivery mechanisms—including grid extension, solar home systems, and micro-hydro power—and argues that while the private sector can play a role, government support, subsidies, and decentralized institutional frameworks are essential for sustainable rural energy access.