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The document examines the application of sustainable use (SU) policies for African elephants, distinguishing between consumptive use (CU)—such as ivory trade and trophy hunting—and non-consumptive use, such as photographic tourism. It argues that while CU has seen some success in Southern Africa, it is largely undermined by corruption, poor governance, and a 'partial global trade ban' that creates market confusion and encourages poaching. The author contends that the closure of major ivory markets in the US and China, combined with the inability of CITES to approve new trade, makes a permanent global ivory trade ban the most viable path. The paper recommends that African governments transition to public-private protected area management organisations (PPPAMOs) and photographic tourism, while using 'conservation hunting' only as a temporary stop-gap. Ultimately, it calls for a global biodiversity tax to compensate African states for the opportunity costs of these restrictions.

The document assesses the limitations of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in addressing illegal wildlife trade, noting that it is not legally binding unless implemented through national laws. It highlights a significant gap in compliance, with 50% of signatories lacking effective national legislation. The author recommends strengthening synergies between CITES and other agreements like the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS), as well as fostering transregional consensus to prevent the displacement of illegal markets. Specific focus is placed on the need for increased capacity and funding for scientific authorities in high-biodiversity developing nations, particularly in Africa, to improve the evidence base for non-detriment findings (NDFs).

The document examines the role of informal cross-border trade in Zimbabwe, particularly in response to government import bans on basic commodities. It highlights that while the informal economy provides critical employment and poverty alleviation in a country with high formal unemployment, traders face significant risks including corruption and abuse. The author argues that Zimbabwe and other SADC nations should adopt Simplified Trade Regimes and engage with trader representatives to transition informal activity into the formal sector, citing successful models from East African economic communities.

The document examines how fragile states—characterized by poverty and weak institutions—are prone to recurring armed conflict. It describes a 'conflict trap' where low development leads to war, and war further degrades GDP and public services. The authors argue that the international community can break this cycle during peace settlements by deploying robust peacekeeping operations to solve 'commitment problems' and by ensuring peace agreements are inclusive of women and civil society rather than relying solely on elite bargains.

The document analyzes Namibia's shift from a liberal FDI regime toward one with more state regulation via the New Investment Bill, which introduces performance requirements and reserves certain activities for citizens. It argues that while mandatory requirements may work in the extractives sector, incentives are more effective for non-resource sectors to avoid deterring investors. The paper also explores the potential for a regional investment framework within SADC and SACU and highlights how FDI from China, Germany, and South Africa is critical to expanding the Port of Walvis Bay and its associated transport corridors.

The policy brief examines how domestic xenophobia contradicts South Africa's 'diplomacy of ubuntu' and its aspirations for African leadership. It highlights specific incidents of violence and government failures, suggesting that South Africa must address the root causes of intolerance domestically and regionalise its policy responses to reclaim its international standing.

This research paper explores the potential for establishing regional automotive value chains within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) by drawing lessons from the ASEAN Industrial Cooperation (AICO) scheme. It analyzes the current state of the automotive sector in Southern Africa, the barriers to integration, and potential strategies for enhancing regional competitiveness.

The document examines the role of value chains in Southern Africa, noting that the region accounts for 40% of Africa's GVC participation. It highlights the importance of RVCs as entry points for smaller countries and emphasizes the need for harmonized non-tariff measures and firm-level data to enhance regional integration.

The report analyzes the growth of supermarket chains in Southern Africa, noting a shift from South African dominance to the expansion of other SADC chains like Botswana's Choppies. It identifies drivers such as urbanization and centralized procurement, while highlighting barriers like logistics for perishable goods and local content policies.

The document argues that South Africa is stuck in a middle-income trap characterized by sluggish growth, deep inequality, and declining government effectiveness. It suggests a paradigm shift away from a state-led developmental model toward a labour-intensive, low-wage growth path and a knowledge economy built on private sector partnerships and technological innovation.

The paper argues that South Africa's extreme inequality, high unemployment, and declining governance effectiveness are fueling social turbulence. It details a shift from state-sponsored apartheid violence to diverse forms of public violence, including service delivery protests, xenophobic attacks, and student unrest. The authors highlight a critical failure in security institutions and a lack of structural economic reform, suggesting the country is at a political turning point where economic stagnation and poor leadership increase the risk of future instability.

The document examines the AICO scheme's role in developing the ASEAN automotive sector and assesses whether a similar model could work in SADC. It identifies South Africa as the regional automotive leader but notes that integration is currently one-sided. Key barriers in SADC include low market demand, infrastructure bottlenecks, and a lack of indigenous industry outside South Africa. The author suggests that SADC can move toward integration by leveraging South Africa's expertise, focusing on specific vehicle segments, and developing aftermarket production as a starting point.

The document examines the systemic marginalisation of African communities affected by mining, highlighting the gap between official policy and the reality of environmental degradation, forced relocation, and health hazards. It details specific tools for empowerment, such as community protocols in Kenya and Zimbabwe, paralegal interventions in Sierra Leone, and strategic litigation regarding silicosis in South Africa. The text emphasizes the disproportionate burden on women and the necessity of moving beyond narrow legal definitions of 'indigenous peoples' to protect all customary landholders through the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).

The paper estimates that Chinese financiers provided US$86.3 billion to African governments and state-owned enterprises between 2000 and 2014, a figure lower than many common beliefs. The authors argue that Chinese lending is driven by business interests—specifically generating construction contracts for Chinese firms—rather than a primary desire to secure natural resources. While transportation and energy are the largest sectors receiving funds, approximately one-third of the loans are secured by commodities or exports to mitigate risk in unstable environments. The authors warn that while a debt crisis has not yet occurred, rising debt levels and the unlikely nature of policy bank debt cancellation pose future risks.

The document highlights the critical role of water in Zimbabwe's economy, particularly for agriculture, power production, and mining, and argues that water must be central to the National Climate Change Response Strategy (NCCRS). It proposes using structural and non-structural adaptation measures, including 'no-regrets actions', to mitigate climate impacts projected for 2050 and 2080.

The document examines the interaction between the G-20 and Africa, noting that while South Africa is the only permanent African member, the G-20's agenda significantly impacts the continent. It evaluates the G-20 Development Working Group's (DWG) progress on priorities such as infrastructure, domestic resource mobilisation, and financial inclusion. The author argues that while there is overlap with the AU's Agenda 2063, momentum has been lost in supporting African regional economic integration, and further efforts are needed to leverage G-20 resources for sustainable infrastructure and local capital markets.

Botswana faces significant climate risks, primarily driven by water scarcity and rising temperatures, which threaten its water, health, agriculture, livestock, and forestry sectors. While the country possesses higher adaptive capacity than its neighbors due to its development status and governance, the government has not yet made climate change a national priority. Consequently, there is a lack of guiding legislation, strategy, and dedicated adaptation funding. Most current adaptation efforts are integrated into larger regional projects rather than national initiatives, and civil society engagement remains limited.

The document analyzes the rise of nonviolent resistance globally, noting that while it has historically outperformed violent resistance in achieving major political change, its effectiveness has declined since 2010. It argues that authoritarian regimes may be more fragile than they appear and suggests that non-traditional international support is more influential than direct state assistance for these movements.

The document argues that while the SADC region faces severe energy pressures and a heavy reliance on coal and hydropower, renewable energy mini-grids offer a viable complement to national grid extension, particularly for rural populations. However, most current projects remain in the pilot phase due to unsustainable business models, vague policy frameworks, and a lack of private investment. The brief recommends adopting anchor-business-community (A-B-C) models and establishing clear regulatory frameworks to scale these solutions.

The SEI Initiative on Climate Services focuses on creating a Participatory Framework for Climate Services (PFCS) to better connect climate science with the practical needs of users, ranging from national governments to smallholder farmers. The initiative is structured around four work packages: understanding user needs, exploring collaborative co-generation processes, improving communication methodologies, and developing a community learning space via the weADAPT platform. It draws on interdisciplinary research and case studies from both industrialized and developing countries to ensure climate information is timely, relevant, and accessible.