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The document analyzes the transition of South Africa's arms control from the secretive apartheid era to a democratic framework. It details the establishment of the NCACC in 1995 following the 'Wazan debacle' and the subsequent struggle to enact the National Conventional Arms Control Bill. The author highlights a tension between the government's stated commitment to human rights and transparency and its actual practices, including arms sales to controversial regimes and executive resistance to parliamentary oversight.

The report finds that Sida's support for Humanitarian Mine Action (HMA) has been fragmented and ad hoc, heavily prioritizing mine clearance (85% of funding) over other essential components like impact assessment and survey. While Sida has been a major global donor, its funding trended downward after 1998. The evaluation highlights a 'quiet revolution' in HMA, shifting from output-based measures (mines removed) to impact-based measures (societal effect), and argues that Sida must institutionalize impact assessment to ensure sustainable, development-oriented assistance. It analyzes various implementation channels, noting that NGOs are flexible and innovative but struggle with long-term sustainability, while government/military channels offer better sustainability but may lack humanitarian sensitivity. The report also critiques Sida's R&D and technical initiatives, such as the Mine Detection Dog project in Cambodia, for failing to base needs on local stakeholders and lacking sustainability.

The document highlights that just 1% of Yemen's superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 1,052 GW of energy capacity, far exceeding the country's 2021 electricity consumption of 2,913 GWh. It argues that this energy source could offer a low-land-footprint, reliable alternative to fossil fuels, supporting desalination, hydrogen production, and economic growth.

The report details how lead pollution causes irreversible health damage, particularly in children, and links these outcomes to violations of international human rights treaties. It highlights specific crises in Nigeria, Kazakhstan, and China, while noting that lead battery manufacturing and recycling are primary global exposure sources.

The report details the severe health risks of lead exposure, particularly for children, and links these impacts to violations of international human rights treaties. It highlights specific cases of lead poisoning in Nigeria, Kazakhstan, and China, and identifies leaded fuel, lead-based paint, and battery recycling as primary sources of contamination.

The report argues that climate change and armed conflict act as mutually reinforcing drivers of harm, creating a polycrisis that disproportionately affects vulnerable populations. It highlights how climate change serves as a 'threat multiplier' by exacerbating resource scarcity and instability, while military activities contribute significantly to global greenhouse gas emissions and environmental degradation. The document emphasizes the resulting collapse of health systems and the emergence of infectious diseases in conflict zones. It calls for integrated climate, health, and peacebuilding strategies, including a transition to renewable energy and greater military accountability for emissions, to break this cycle of harm.

The document compiles research on the impacts of Universal Basic Income Grants (UBIG) and cash transfers, focusing on their ability to reduce poverty, improve health, and empower women in South Africa and other low-to-middle-income countries. It challenges myths regarding welfare dependency, arguing that such grants often facilitate job searches and productive investments rather than discouraging work. The bibliography also examines the macroeconomic feasibility of UBIG through progressive taxation and the social benefits of universality over targeted assistance.

The document argues that poverty and environmental degradation are mutually reinforcing systemic issues that must be addressed together. It traces the shift from measuring poverty solely by household income to multidimensional indices, such as the Human Development Index (HDI) and the Planetary-Pressures Adjusted HDI, which incorporate carbon emissions and material footprints. The text highlights how climate change, conflict, and the COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately affect the poor, while noting that the resource consumption of the wealthiest 10% of the global population prevents the poor from escaping poverty within planetary boundaries. It recommends that governments shift from GDP-centric metrics to national well-being indices that include marginalized groups and environmental health.

The research examines nine donor-supported active citizenship programs implemented between 2010 and 2015 in Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. The authors argue that these programs, primarily funded by the US and Europe, employ a 'neo-liberalization of citizenship' approach that emphasizes formal participation and technical skill-building over political dissent and social mobilization. Through interviews with approximately 250 activists, the study finds a significant gap between the normative, Western-inspired training modules and the actual political constraints in the MENA region, such as secretive decision-making, unreliable judicial systems, and the dominance of informal power networks. The paper concludes that these programs risk bolstering the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes by encouraging tokenistic engagement and disconnecting activists from their local communities.

The document argues that AI can strengthen the information basis for peace-building by enhancing conflict data collection, improving the accuracy of conflict forecasting, and supporting scenario modelling for anticipatory action. While acknowledging risks such as surveillance and disinformation, the author suggests that AI tools—including large language models and satellite imagery analysis—can help humanitarian actors and governments better anticipate and mitigate the impacts of armed conflict.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The paper analyzes conflict dynamics in Africa from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 25 state-based conflicts in 2019, many of which are low-intensity or involve the Islamic State. While Africa faces rising non-state conflicts and one-sided violence, it also leads other regions in the number of definitive ceasefires and peace agreements. The study further details the growth of UN peacekeeping operations in the region from 1994 to 2018, highlighting a significant increase in troop deployment peaking in 2010.

The document details the methodology for operationalizing religious variables in the study of internal conflicts. It justifies the use of an identity-based definition of religious cleavages over an issue-based one, citing higher reliability and lower data collection costs. The author describes the use of the Religion and State (RAS) dataset to measure religious discrimination and demography (fractionalization and polarization), and the use of official state religion as a proxy for religious legitimacy. The methodology also includes the treatment of non-religious groups, specifically coding Communist regimes and rebels as non-religious, and the application of control variables such as regime type based on the Polity IV project.

The document argues that rebel groups provide a unique 'laboratory' for understanding governance because they operate outside the Westphalian state system. It examines how rebels implement rule-making, enforcement, and service provision, and how these activities relate to their legitimacy and capacity. The authors propose a multi-dimensional framework for rebel capacity—military, economic, personnel, administrative, and social—and argue that territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance. By comparing rebel and state behaviors, the paper suggests that governance is often multi-layered and that the relationship between territorial control and legitimacy is complex and non-linear.

The author replicates and extends the civil war model of Collier & Hoeffler (2002), finding that while natural resources correlate with conflict, the drivers differ by region. In the Middle East, the 'greed' explanation—where rebels fight to seize resources—is less plausible than a 'rentier-state' model, where oil-funded authoritarianism, corruption, and slow growth generate grievances. The study also finds that democracy is significantly and negatively related to civil conflict, a finding absent in the original Collier & Hoeffler analysis.

The document evaluates the proposal to legalise the trade of rhino horn in South Africa to combat poaching. While proponents argue that a regulated trade could meet inelastic demand and fund conservation, the author identifies significant risks, including the potential for illegal supply laundering, the risk of reawakening demand in markets like Taiwan and Japan, and the incompatibility of legalisation with demand-reduction strategies. The submission suggests that the CITES ban's failure may be partly due to a legal aberration allowing trade in products of extinct species, which should be addressed.