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The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) asserts that a successful global plastics treaty must address the crisis at its source by capping production, as 99 percent of plastics are fossil-fuel derived and production is projected to triple by 2050. CIEL recommends a minimum 70 percent reduction in plastic production by 2050 relative to 2019 levels to align with 1.5°C climate goals. The document warns that current draft texts and the proposed "non-paper" by Chair Luis Vayas may lead to a weak agreement. Essential elements for an effective treaty include binding national targets, bans on hazardous chemicals (of which over 4,200 are known to pose risks), enforceable trade measures, and a financial mechanism such as a fee on primary polymer production. The authors highlight risks from industry lobbying and potential shifts in US policy following the re-election of Donald Trump.

The CCPI 2025 reports that while 61 of 64 assessed countries increased their renewable energy share over five years, the top three ranks remain vacant as no country performs well enough to meet Paris Agreement goals. Denmark ranks 4th, while oil and gas producers like Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Russia are the lowest performers. The G20, responsible for over 75% of global emissions, shows poor overall performance with only the UK and India ranking as high performers.

The document outlines the role of supply-side policies in accelerating the transition to zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs) by influencing manufacturers to increase the production and sale of compliant vehicles. It highlights a broader analysis of ZEV policies in eight specific markets—Australia, Brazil, China, the European Union, India, Indonesia, the United States, and South Africa—to identify policy gaps and the link between policy design and the mobilization of financing.

The report identifies a 'triple gap' in planning, finance, and data regarding the transition of global agrifood systems to low-carbon and climate-resilient pathways. It highlights that agrifood systems contribute a third of global greenhouse gas emissions but receive less than 5% of total global climate finance.

The document outlines a two-step process for choosing climate scenarios that effectively guide greenhouse gas emission reductions. It advises avoiding scenarios produced by entities with conflicts of interest, such as oil and gas companies, and instead prioritizing independent sources like the IEA and IPCC. A robust scenario must have at least a 50% probability of limiting warming to 1.5°C with low or zero 'overshoot' and must rely on limited negative emissions to avoid risking irreversible climate tipping points.

The guide outlines a two-step process for choosing climate scenarios that accurately reflect the requirements for climate mitigation. First, it advises avoiding scenarios from entities with conflicts of interest, such as oil and gas companies, in favor of independent bodies like the IEA or IPCC. Second, it mandates that a robust scenario must have at least a 50% chance of limiting global warming to 1.5°C with no or low temperature overshoot to avoid irreversible tipping points. Finally, the guide warns against scenarios that rely heavily on negative emissions technologies, such as BECCS and CCS, suggesting specific IPCC feasibility thresholds (e.g., 3 Gt CO2/year for BECCS by 2050) to filter out unrealistic pathways that may delay the phase-out of heavy emitting industries.

The report examines the slow progress toward gender equity in climate adaptation decision-making, identifying formal and informal barriers and enablers. Using the Gender at Work Framework, it proposes interventions across three pathways—capacities, policies and governance, and gender and social norms—to improve inclusive climate adaptation.

The author contends that the global food system has reached 'peak land' and that decoupling agricultural land use from food production allows for the retirement of marginal land. By paying farmers to stop farming unproductive areas, the document suggests that environmental services can be restored and GHG emissions reduced by 20-40% if 5% of farmland is retired by 2030 and 10% by 2050.

The New Development Bank (NDB) has expanded its mandate to support climate action and sustainable development but faces challenges including aligning financing with local currency and non-sovereign lending.

The text asserts that the green energy transition is currently acting as a vehicle for "colonialismo verde" (green colonialism), where indigenous territories are exploited without proper consent. It highlights that failing to protect indigenous rights creates strategic risks for governments and industries, citing legal challenges to wind energy in Sweden and the negative impacts of the Belo Monte hydroelectric project in Brazil. The author calls on G20 leaders to move beyond the T20 Communiqué's recommendations by reforming land-use laws, addressing power asymmetries through dedicated funding, and recognizing indigenous leadership in defining a just transition.

The authors call for a shift from a market-driven digital ecosystem to one based on Communication Rights, which treats media and AI as public utilities rather than commodities. They trace the history of communication struggles from the MacBride Commission to the current era of 'data colonialism,' where Big Tech extracts personal data as a resource. The document proposes a set of 'non-negotiables' for the WSIS+20 summit, including data sovereignty, public ownership of AI, and the creation of a new UN institution dedicated to Communication Rights.

The document examines how discrepancies between NDC accounting and IPCC standards lead to an overestimation of land-based carbon sequestration, potentially reducing the global carbon budget by 15-18%. It highlights that current NDC pledges for land-based removal involve approximately 1 billion hectares, which the author claims is impossible without threatening food security and biodiversity. Furthermore, the briefing critiques IPCC Integrated Assessment Models (IAMs) for ignoring land tenure, human rights, and the declining ability of natural sinks to store carbon under rising temperatures, suggesting that sustainable removal potential is up to 79% lower than IPCC estimates.

The report highlights the surge in data center electricity demand due to generative AI, projecting global consumption could reach 2,300 TWh by 2030. It identifies four primary barriers to decarbonization—infrastructure planning, energy efficiency, green electricity scaling, and policy incentives—and suggests solutions including optimized location, rigorous efficiency standards, and grid-friendly power behaviors.

The We Mean Business Coalition urges G20 leaders to lead the global response to the climate crisis by delivering on COP28 agreements, specifically through the submission of sector-specific, 1.5°C-aligned NDCs and the mobilization of climate finance to catalyze private investment in developing economies.

The authors contend that current climate contingency planning is "care-blind," ignoring the disproportionate burden on caregivers—primarily women and girls—during environmental crises. They highlight that G20 nations with the highest gender inequality in care responsibilities are often the most climate-vulnerable. The text calls for the G20 to include caregivers in high-level decision-making to address issues such as restricted mobility, lack of survival skills, and financial instability, noting that climate-driven disease outbreaks further increase care burdens.

The document asserts that the green transition is currently acting as a vehicle for "green colonialism," where Indigenous rights are sidelined for profit and development. It highlights a gap between policy ambitions and reality, citing the EU's Critical Raw Materials Act and the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Dam in Brazil as examples of failures to protect Indigenous communities. The author argues that upholding Indigenous rights is a pragmatic necessity, as Indigenous Peoples are increasingly using legal actions to stop or delay projects. In Sweden, 42 court cases involving Sámi herding communities are influencing wind energy developers to seek consent more proactively, while the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre has tracked 60 global legal cases against renewable energy projects brought by Indigenous communities.

The document is an open letter calling on governments to combat climate disinformation, which it argues undermines public understanding and delays urgent climate action. It specifically demands that governments hold media, advertising technology, and tech companies accountable by encouraging them to adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, increase transparency, and stop the monetization of false content. The signatories advocate for the adoption of the UN's Global Principles for Information Integrity to foster a healthier online environment and support the goals of the Paris Agreement and IPCC scientific consensus.

The document argues that climate disinformation, driven by vested interests and enabled by big tech, undermines global climate negotiations and public safety. It urges governments to adopt the UN's Global Principles For Information Integrity and pressure social media, advertising, and publishing companies to recognize the threat, adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, and implement transparent plans to stop its spread.

Global warming projections for 2100 have remained stagnant since 2021, with current policies leading to a median estimate of 2.7°C of warming. While clean energy investments now double those for fossil fuels, record-high fossil fuel subsidies and funding for prolonging projects are preventing the steep emissions decline required by the Paris Agreement. The briefing emphasizes that seven large emitters and the COP Troika countries, responsible for 63% of 2022 global emissions, must set more ambitious 2030 and 2035 targets to align with 1.5°C.

The statement asserts a link between plastic-related chemicals—including flame retardants, phthalates, and heavy metals—and breast cancer, noting that racialized populations in Canada face disproportionate health burdens. It calls for the Canadian government to implement stronger domestic regulations and prioritize the removal of toxic chemicals during Global Plastics Treaty negotiations.