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The report examines how U.S. states, specifically Maine, California, and Washington, are implementing policies to eliminate persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and persistent, bioaccumulative and toxic chemicals (PBTs) while the federal government remains stalled on ratifying the Stockholm Convention. It highlights state-level bans on mercury-containing products, brominated flame retardants (PBDEs), and the pesticide lindane, as well as efforts to reduce dioxin emissions. The document argues that these state actions serve as 'laboratories' for reform and that federal implementing legislation should support rather than preempt these tougher state standards.

This research paper, published in November 1999 by WWF-World Wide Fund for Nature and authored by experts from the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), examines the conflict between World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and trade measures used in Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs). The authors argue that uncertainty regarding WTO consistency is used by some nations to 'chill' the development of effective environmental laws, specifically citing the Biosafety Protocol and the POPs Agreement. The paper recommends that WTO members adopt a political statement of consistency and negotiate a separate agreement to grant MEAs equal status with WTO rules.

The document catalogues alleged human rights implications across numerous international projects in sectors such as mining, energy, and forestry. It organizes these cases by the specific right implicated, including the rights to adequate food, housing, health, and life, as well as freedoms from forced labor and torture. The case studies highlight recurring issues such as forced resettlement, environmental contamination of water and land, the use of military force to suppress protests, and inadequate compensation for displaced populations.

The report examines 38 cases of international arbitration brought by mining companies against Latin American states, highlighting a pattern where corporate legal protections are used to bypass national courts and penalize governments for implementing public health, environmental, or indigenous rights policies. It identifies Canada as a primary source of mining investment and litigation in the region and argues that the current ISDS framework creates a 'chilling effect' on democratic regulation. The document details specific cases in countries such as El Salvador, Colombia, and Venezuela, and proposes a shift toward a legal framework that prioritizes human rights and environmental protection over investor profits.

The document analyzes the global debate over water privatization, contrasting the view of water as an economic good promoted by international financial institutions with the view of water as a human right. It details the role of the World Bank and IMF in pushing privatization through loan conditionalities and provides case studies of both failed privatization (Cochabamba, Bolivia) and successful participatory public management (Porto Alegre, Brazil).

The document highlights the synergies between climate change mitigation and the prevention of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), identifying key areas for multisectoral intervention. It emphasizes that shifting to clean energy, promoting active transport, and adopting sustainable food systems can reduce both greenhouse gas emissions and NCD risk factors like air pollution and physical inactivity. The briefing advocates for policy coherence across government ministries and a whole-of-society approach to achieve these health and environmental co-benefits.

The document highlights the intersection between climate change and non-communicable diseases (NCDs), identifying air pollution, physical inactivity, and poor diet as shared risk factors. It proposes 'co-benefit' solutions across four key sectors: air quality (clean stoves), energy (transition to renewables), transport (active mobility), and food systems (plant-based, local diets). The brief emphasizes that integrated policies—particularly at the municipal level—can provide immediate health improvements and economic savings while contributing to long-term climate goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

The COP30 Week 2 debrief details the adoption of the 'Global Mutirão' cover decision, which calls for tripling adaptation finance by 2035 but omits references to fossil fuels and deforestation. Key outcomes include the recommendation for a Just Transition mechanism (BAM) to be operationalized in 2026, the transfer of $26.8 million to the Article 6.4 PACM, and the adoption of the Belém Gender Action Plan. However, significant tensions persisted regarding unilateral trade measures, the 1.5°C temperature goal, and the lack of concrete targets in climate finance and the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA).

The report evaluates the evolution of NDCs for a diverse set of countries, scoring them on needs scope, granularity, timeframe, conditionality, implementation readiness, private sector mobilization, and alignment with national plans. It highlights varying levels of progress, with some countries like Nepal and Moldova showing strong improvements in costing and private sector strategies, while others like Andorra and Singapore maintain gaps in quantified financial needs.

The document describes vehicle labeling as a public policy designed to provide consumers with information on energy and fuel consumption to encourage the purchase of more efficient vehicles. It lists the implementation years for this policy in the United States (1978), Canada (1999), Brazil (2008), Argentina (2019), Chile and Uruguay (2013), and Ecuador (2020). The policy aims to create a better-informed market, incentivize manufacturers to produce less polluting cars, and systematize energy consumption evaluations in the transport sector.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs, with the majority (137) still under development. Latin America has the highest concentration of these activities (41%), and the energy supply sector is the most represented (39%). Financing remains a significant gap, as 94 NAMAs are seeking funds, while only 10 have received financing and 5 are fully funded.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs globally, with 41% located in Latin America and 39% focused on energy supply. It highlights that 60% of NAMA activities are integrated into national policies and strategies. Regarding finance, 94 NAMAs are awaiting funding, while only a small number have received partial or full funding from entities such as the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and the NAMA Facility.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs in various stages, with 41% located in Latin America and 39% focused on energy supply. It notes that 60% of NAMA activities are part of national policies and strategies, while financing data remains incomplete, with 94 NAMAs seeking funds.

The statement urges the Spanish government to join the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, highlighting Spain's vulnerability to extreme weather and its existing domestic progress in renewable energy. It argues that joining the treaty would align Spain with international legal duties to limit fossil fuel extraction and provide a model for other EU nations. The document emphasizes that a just transition could create up to 560,000 jobs in five years and prevent 25,000 annual deaths caused by air pollution.

The document reports on the third Sustainability School organized by COECOCeiba AT in the community of Juanilama, Costa Rica. It advocates for 'Buen Vivir' (Good Living) as a foundation for sustainability, emphasizing the role of popular education in descolonizing thought and empowering social movements. The text contrasts the community-led agroecological practices and forest management in Juanilama with the destructive impacts of industrial agribusiness, such as pineapple and sugarcane monocultures. It further calls for climate justice, the rejection of carbon offsets and free trade agreements, and the promotion of food sovereignty through peasant mobilization and the recovery of ancestral knowledge.

The report analyzes the 'new generation' of mega-regional trade agreements—TTIP, TPP, and TiSA—characterizing them as a corporate blueprint to shift decision-making power from governments to transnational corporations. It highlights how these agreements use 'invitation only' negotiations to sidestep the WTO and counteract the influence of China and BRICS nations. The author details specific threats to public health, food safety, and environmental protections, including the use of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms that allow corporations to sue states over public interest laws. The document concludes by calling for a transition toward a trade regime based on human rights, food sovereignty, and sustainable local economies.

The document critiques the current global energy system as a tool of corporate and elite power that drives climate change, energy poverty, and human rights abuses. It identifies 'destructive energy sources'—including fossil fuels, nuclear power, industrial agrofuels, and mega dams—as causes of severe environmental and social harm. The author warns of a 'climate trap' where the transition to renewables could be co-opted by corporations to continue land grabbing and privatization. To counter this, the document advocates for a decentralized, democratically controlled energy system that treats energy access as a basic human right and ensures the free, prior, and informed consent of affected communities.

The guide provides alphabetical definitions of key WTO terms, including the agreements resulting from the Uruguay Round, the functions of WTO governing bodies, and specific legal clauses related to trade, environment, and intellectual property.

The report contends that corporate-driven trade deals, such as TTIP, TISA, and CETA, obstruct the transition to renewable energy and empower corporations to sue governments over environmental regulations. It highlights the role of the WTO and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms in protecting polluting industries and criticizes 'false solutions' like carbon trading and REDD+. The authors call for a democratic economic approach that prioritizes local resources and sustainable development over growth-at-all-costs trade regimes.

The report contends that mega-regional trade agreements and the World Trade Organization (WTO) framework obstruct climate action by protecting fossil fuel interests and limiting the regulatory capacity of governments. It highlights the role of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms in allowing corporations to sue governments over environmental protections. The document criticizes 'false solutions' like carbon trading and REDD+, advocating instead for a democratic economic approach based on local resources, agroecology, and corporate accountability.