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The document examines Russia's increasing diplomatic and military push into Africa, highlighted by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's July 2022 visits to Egypt, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, and Ethiopia. It notes that while Russia was the largest arms supplier to Africa in 2021 (44% of imports) and a critical wheat provider, African states remain divided in their response to the invasion of Ukraine, with 48% abstaining from a UN General Assembly resolution. The author contends that Africa's collective GDP of $2.7 trillion in 2021 exceeds Russia's $1.7 trillion, suggesting that a unified approach via the African Union's Partnership Management and Coordination Division and the African Continental Free Trade Area would increase the continent's agency and bargaining power.

The Russia-Ukraine war has worsened systemic weaknesses in the international food system, disproportionately affecting African countries due to their high reliance on food, fuel, and fertiliser imports from Russia and Ukraine. This vulnerability is compounded by climate-induced weather events, internal conflicts, and structural infrastructure deficits. The report highlights that food price shocks have already triggered protests in countries like Uganda, Malawi, Senegal, and Sudan. To mitigate these risks, the authors recommend that private companies support the diversification of food sources and local agribusiness capacity, while African governments should reduce regulation and leverage regional integration platforms like the AfCFTA.

The author argues that Africa-EU relations are characterized by a historical imbalance and a lack of mutual respect, which is exacerbated by the EU's shift toward a 'geopolitical commission' and the diversion of security resources to Ukraine. The document highlights how the replacement of the African Peace Facility (APF) with the European Peace Facility (EPF) allows the EU to bypass the African Union (AU) in security decisions, prompting African states to seek transactional 'Plan B' partnerships with other global powers like China and Russia. The author contends that African positions on the war in Ukraine are driven by pragmatism rather than Russian influence, and warns that failing to acknowledge this nuance risks further deteriorating the partnership.

The author argues that EU-Africa relations are characterized by a historical imbalance and a lack of mutual respect, which has been exacerbated by the Russia-Ukraine war. The document highlights how the EU's shift toward geopolitics and the creation of the European Peace Facility (EPF) may undermine the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) by bypassing the AU. It notes that African nations are adopting a pragmatic approach to geopolitical tensions, seeking diverse security partnerships with countries like China, Russia, and the USA to fill funding gaps and reduce dependence on the EU.

The document examines the governance of nuclear safety and security in Africa, highlighting the roles of the Pelindaba Treaty, the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE), and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It notes that while South Africa is currently the only operator of a nuclear power reactor on the continent, Egypt is constructing one and 16 other nations are investigating nuclear programmes. The brief identifies risks including radioactive waste management, the vulnerability of materials during transit, and the potential for human error, citing specific incidents at South Africa's Koeberg and Pelindaba facilities and Namibia's Rössing Uranium Mine. It recommends increased cooperation with the IAEA, ratification of the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material (CPPNM), and prioritising human resource training to prevent accidents.

Analysis by Ember indicates that placing approximately 14 GW of coal plants on standby in Europe to offset gas shortages would have a limited impact on emissions and would not derail long-term climate commitments. The report argues that these are short-term emergency measures and that the crisis is actually accelerating the transition to clean energy. It further disputes claims that Germany requires massive amounts of coal imports from Indonesia, suggesting such demand is overestimated based on current capacity and inventory levels.

The document examines how the war in Ukraine is facilitating a geopolitical realignment in Africa, where countries are increasingly wary of Western 'coercive diplomacy' and 'paternalism'. It posits that China is capitalizing on this by aligning its diplomatic rhetoric with African desires for non-alignment and multipolarity. The author suggests that China's control over supply chains and its 'Global Security Initiative' provide tangible alternatives to Western partnerships, potentially eroding Western influence on the continent.

The authors contend that Norway's public debate regarding the war in Ukraine has become overly emotional and ideologized, hindering the ability to discuss complex strategic dilemmas. They call for a more open discourse on NATO's role, the implications of NATO expansion into Finland and Sweden, the potential for EU membership, and the risks associated with food and energy price hikes.

The document examines how the Russia-Ukraine war has destabilized energy markets, undermining Russia's role as an 'energy superpower' and creating significant economic pressure on the Global South. It presents three scenarios: 'Stable high' prices, 'Persistent volatility', and 'Business as usual', analyzing how each affects national budgets, regional stability in the Middle East and Africa, and the global transition to renewable energy. The authors argue that while the crisis may incentivize some decarbonization, it also risks locking in fossil fuel production in the Global South and prioritizing immediate energy security over Paris Agreement goals.

The document analyzes the varied diplomatic positions of African nations regarding the Ukraine war, noting a split between those condemning Russia and those maintaining neutrality to preserve bilateral ties. It argues that African states should move from being passive bystanders to proactive actors by mediating peace, filling resource gaps created by sanctions, diversifying commodity imports, and strengthening pan-African unity.

The report analyzes the progress of 39 governments and public finance institutions that signed the Glasgow Statement to end international public finance for fossil fuels. It finds that while USD 28 billion per year could be redirected toward a clean energy transition, most signatories have not yet published aligned policies. The document highlights best practices from countries like Denmark and the UK, and examines the impact on low- and middle-income countries through case studies on Ethiopia and Sri Lanka.

The author contends that while geopolitical tensions highlight Arctic security, the most urgent threat to Northern Canada is climate change, which exacerbates existing infrastructure deficits. The text emphasizes that investing in adaptation and infrastructure—such as airports and ports—would benefit both local communities and national defense, while noting that current gaps in housing, food security, and water access leave Northern residents highly vulnerable.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on G7 nations to decarbonize their power systems by 2035, eliminate fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and mandate that all new light-duty vehicles sold be zero-emission by 2035 to support a stable global economy and limit temperature rise to 1.5ºC.

Russia has increased its presence in Africa through defense and security partnerships, positioning itself as an alternative to Western paternalism. However, the document argues that Russia lacks the financial capacity to compete with the U.S., EU, and China, as evidenced by its modest trade volume and the contrast with China's massive infrastructure investments. The war in Ukraine has further complicated this strategy by draining resources and increasing international sanctions.

ClientEarth calls on the European Parliament to veto the Taxonomy Complementary Delegated Act, asserting that the inclusion of fossil gas and nuclear energy as sustainable activities undermines the EU's climate leadership and violates several legal requirements, including the European Climate Law and the Taxonomy Regulation.

The document alerts organisations to misinformation linking the Russian invasion of Ukraine to energy efficiency, the energy transition, green jobs, and Net Zero. It notes that these narratives are particularly salient for men, Conservative voters, and Northern communities, and outlines a framework for identifying at-risk audiences, establishing facts, and adapting communications strategies.

The document examines Africa's position as a 'techno-geopolitical theatre' where major powers—including China, the US, and the EU—are competing to establish technological spheres of influence through infrastructure investments and policy frameworks. It warns that while these investments can drive digital transformation, they risk reducing Africa to a pawn in geopolitical struggles. The author highlights the danger of relying on non-neutral service providers and cautions African governments against using digital regulations for citizen surveillance and repression, urging instead a focus on securing digital interests and fostering innovation for a young population.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is facing a critical need for reform across its negotiating function, dispute settlement system, committee transparency, and Secretariat role. While members generally agree on the need for change, they are divided on the approach: some advocate for 'coalitions of the willing' to modernize the agenda, while others, particularly developing countries, prioritize the Doha Development Agenda and the preservation of special and differential treatment (SDT). The dispute settlement system remains crippled by the United States' refusal to appoint new Appellate Body members since 2019. Divergent priorities exist between the EU, US, African Group, India, and LDCs, with disagreements extending to whether reform should proceed via working groups or General Council review processes.

The document argues for a structural green recovery agenda that addresses the divergent economic trajectories of the global north, south, east, and west following the COVID-19 pandemic. It emphasizes the need for a combination of structural responses and local solutions to address systemic challenges and diverse national experiences, aiming to avoid the mistakes of the 2008-10 financial crisis by integrating green priorities into long-term policy.

The document contends that global and European food insecurity is a problem of distribution, access, and utilization rather than production. It highlights that the EU is a net exporter of agri-food products and that a significant portion of its cereal production is used for animal feed and biofuels rather than human consumption. The text argues that industrial agricultural practices drive the climate and biodiversity crises, which in turn threaten food yields through pollinator loss and extreme weather. It advocates for a transition to agro-ecological practices and the adoption of the EU Nature Restoration Law with ambitious, enforceable targets to capture carbon and protect ecosystem services.