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The paper critiques South Africa's first APRM Implementation Report for failing to distinguish between general post-apartheid achievements and specific progress made under the APRM National Programme of Action. It identifies significant gaps in reporting on corruption, xenophobia, and corporate governance, while noting that the report was likely rushed and lacks self-criticism. The author suggests that the South African government viewed the APRM as an external diplomatic requirement rather than a domestic tool for governance improvement.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The 'Healing the Rift' project, led by the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) with technical support from the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), piloted conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) strategies in the Democratic Republic of Congo's Albertine Rift. The project focused on four sites: Virunga National Park, Kahuzi-Biega National Park, Itombwe Massif, and Misotshi-Kabogo. By utilizing conflict analysis, stakeholder dialogue, and participatory mapping, the project aimed to reduce illegal resource extraction and resolve disputes over protected area boundaries. Key successes included the establishment of monitoring committees for Lake Edward fisheries and the proactive community-supported design of the proposed Ngamika National Park. However, the report notes that long-term sustainability is threatened by persistent poverty, lack of alternative livelihoods for resource extractors, and ongoing insecurity.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The paper argues that trade policies are often gender-blind and can reduce the policy space for states to implement pro-gender development strategies. It highlights the critical role of the informal economy, where approximately 70% of traders in sub-Saharan Africa are women, and suggests that regional trade agreements (RTAs) are better suited to women's needs than large global markets. The authors identify institutional and legal hurdles—rather than social traditions—as the primary obstacles to women's business growth. The document recommends the adoption of a 'gender perspective' in trade analysis and the creation of a gender-sensitivity yardstick for RTAs to ensure that trade liberalization does not exacerbate existing inequalities, particularly in the agricultural sector.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary self-monitoring tool for promoting good governance in Africa. It analyzes the process from the perspectives of civil society, journalists, and researchers, highlighting the gap between theoretical design and practical implementation. Key findings indicate that while the APRM has catalyzed dialogue and empowered some civil society actors, it often suffers from a lack of political will, poor coordination, and a disconnect between the diagnostic reports and the subsequent National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The text emphasizes that the mechanism's success depends on the ability of civil society to demand accountability and the willingness of leaders to implement honest reforms.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of social accountability in Africa, defining it as a framework for citizens to demand and enforce accountability from power-holders. It combines a broad analysis of public attitudes via Afrobarometer data with specific case studies from South Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Malawi, Mozambique, and Madagascar. The text examines various tools—such as the Local Governance Barometer, budget monitoring, and the African Peer Review Mechanism—and highlights the critical role of political will, media engagement, and the necessity of an enabling legal environment for these initiatives to succeed.

The document outlines the nutrient composition, economic value, and safe application of human urine as a nitrogen-rich fertilizer. It details a multi-barrier approach to manage health risks, provides evidence from global field trials showing yields comparable to mineral fertilizers, and offers a framework for developing local guidelines and large-scale collection systems.

The document examines the link between 'communication poverty' and social exclusion, asserting that access to information is a fundamental human right necessary for poverty reduction. It highlights how women are doubly disadvantaged by gendered poverty and limited media representation. The guide advocates for a shift in mass media reporting to include poverty-related issues and promotes 'citizens' media'—such as blogs and podcasts—as a means for marginalized groups to challenge power dynamics. It provides global examples of communication projects in Mexico, Fiji, Argentina, Egypt, Mongolia, Congo, Colombia, and Uganda that use audiovisuals and ICTs to address environmental, health, and social justice issues.

The author argues that while development partners (DPs) typically act in a consultative rather than direct capacity during national planning, they can significantly enhance adaptation by collaborating with civil society organizations to implement indigenous and low-cost technologies. Using Uganda's National Development Plan (NDP) and the Climate Change Unit (CCU) as examples, the text highlights the need for DPs to shift from viewing climate change as a purely environmental issue to integrating it into broader development portfolios. Key recommendations include investing in institutional strengthening, establishing national early warning systems, and promoting organic agriculture to build resilience for the rural poor.

The document argues that ICTs are essential enablers for climate change adaptation, facilitating the collection of environmental data and the dissemination of early warnings to vulnerable populations. It highlights the role of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in supporting the Nairobi Framework and the Hyogo Framework for Action by developing standards, improving telecommunications infrastructure, and deploying weather stations in under-served regions like Africa.

The document argues that Africa's vulnerability to climate change is exacerbated by weak environmental information systems and a lack of data-driven policy. It categorizes information needs into three types: responsive (rapid data for early warning and disaster response), proactive (long-term bio-physical projections and sectoral data), and robust (managing uncertainty through regional climate models). The author highlights South Africa's use of the Wide Area Monitoring Information System (WAMIS) and the Disaster Management Act of 2002 as models for integrating disaster risk reduction into local development planning. The paper concludes that African nations must leverage international networks like the Group on Earth Observation (GEO) to overcome technical capacity gaps and avoid 'mal-adaptation' costs.

The document examines the 'double incarnation' of Libyan foreign policy under Muammar Qaddafi. From 1970 to the mid-1990s, Libya focused on pan-Arabism and frequently destabilized African nations by supporting rebel groups in Chad, Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Since the late 1990s, Tripoli shifted toward pan-Africanism, playing a central role in the establishment of the African Union (AU) and the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD). The paper details Libya's efforts to act as a peace broker, specifically in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and its use of 'chequebook diplomacy' through development aid and capital investments via companies like LAAICO and LAFICO.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The document details the conclusion of the peace process between the Government of Burundi and the Palipehutu-FNL, including the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of combatants and the movement's transition into a political party. It further analyses the volatile pre-electoral environment for the 2010 polls, highlighting disputes over the electoral code, internal party divisions, and the risk of violence driven by the militarisation of youth leagues and incomplete civilian disarmament.

The document examines the intersection of environmental governance and climate change in Africa, highlighting the continent's high vulnerability due to low adaptive capacity and 'multiple stresses'. It analyzes specific case studies on land degradation and gender in Uganda, informal institutions in the Lake Victoria Basin, and renewable energy policies in Nigeria and Uganda. It further critiques the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) from an African perspective, suggesting reforms to increase participation and sustainable development. Finally, it argues for a human rights-based approach to climate mitigation and adaptation to protect the most vulnerable populations.

The document analyses the systemic drivers of political violence in Kenya, including strong executive powers, impunity, and socioeconomic inequalities. It evaluates responses such as criminal prosecutions via the ICC or domestic tribunals, institutional reforms, and the establishment of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to prevent future recurrence.

The research finds that large youth cohorts significantly increase the risk of political violence primarily in societies with low male secondary education levels. This effect is most pronounced in low and middle-income countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study supports the 'opportunity cost' hypothesis, suggesting that higher education reduces the incentive for young men to join rebel organizations. Conversely, it finds no evidence that rapid educational expansion or low progression ratios between education levels increase conflict risk.

The document analyzes three generations of unconstitutional power shifts in Africa, from post-independence coups to modern manipulations of term limits and 'models' of military intervention. It argues that while Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and SADC have the potential to mitigate these trends through sanctions and democratic protocols, their effectiveness is hindered by state sovereignty, inconsistent implementation of laws, and the influence of powerful regional leaders who support usurpers. The authors recommend that RECs focus on root causes—such as socioeconomic stagnation and weak institutions—and encourage the ratification of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.