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The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document examines vulnerability assessments (VAs) in Tunisia and Indonesia using a four-part framework consisting of framing, process, inputs, and outputs. It aims to provide guidance for practitioners by distilling lessons from these two cases to reduce uncertainty regarding the design and execution of VAs.

The document examines the role of African states in the global nuclear security framework, specifically focusing on the transition from the Nuclear Security Summit process to the IAEA's leadership. It highlights the limited representation of African nations at summits but notes their substantive contributions through treaty ratification and regional cooperation. The brief recommends that African states develop a unified perspective for upcoming international conferences and strengthen domestic legislation to align with global safety and security standards.

The report argues that stricter chemical laws do not impede innovation but rather accelerate it by pushing companies to develop safer alternatives. Using case studies on phthalates and CFCs, it demonstrates that regulatory pressure correlates with spikes in patent filings. However, it highlights the danger of 'regrettable substitution,' where hazardous chemicals are replaced by structurally similar ones with unknown risks. The document concludes that for innovation to create a safer marketplace, laws must shift the burden of proof for safety to manufacturers, internalize environmental and health costs, and ensure transparent access to hazard information.

The report identifies significant gaps in risk mitigation for clean investments, particularly regarding policy and financing risks. It categorizes risks into four groups: political/policy/social, technical/physical, market/commercial, and outcome risks. In developed markets, gaps are most acute for policy risk due to retroactive support cuts and for technical risks in immature technologies. In developing markets, while the supply of political risk insurance is higher, policy risk remains under-covered and financing risks are exacerbated by weak domestic financial institutions. The authors argue that an optimal risk allocation framework should assign exogenous risks (like policy) to the public sector and endogenous risks (like technical) to the private sector.

The document analyzes the shift from top-down public diplomacy to a more interactive digital age, exploring how social media affects political sentiment in China and across Africa. It argues that while technology allows for greater public engagement, its influence on actual policymaking varies by national context. In China, a complex negotiation exists between the state and various levels of public opinion (elite, sub-elite, and popular). In Africa, a 'technological leapfrog' is occurring via mobile access, yet in South Africa, social media has not yet become a significant tool for policy negotiation due to a lack of popular sentiment and deep-seated societal divisions. The author concludes that China–Africa relations remain primarily driven by leadership and economic interests, with public understanding remaining superficial and reactive.

The document examines the evolution of suicide attacks in Africa, distinguishing between ad hoc incidents and those part of broader campaigns by groups like AQLIM, al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram. It details tactical advantages, target selection, and delivery methods, while providing a historical analysis of attacks in countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Somalia, and Nigeria. The guide also offers recommendations for preventing recruitment and improving intelligence gathering, while warning against repressive counter-terrorism measures that may fuel further radicalization.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The report analyzes how public resources and well-articulated policies can mitigate risks and costs to attract private capital for green investments. Using case studies from Tunisia, the UK, and Morocco, it demonstrates that targeted public interventions—such as credit guarantees, feed-in tariffs, and concessional lending—can overcome market inertia and perceived risks. It highlights the importance of emerging economies, particularly the role of National Development Banks in China and Brazil, and suggests innovative risk mitigation tools like policy risk insurance and first-loss protection to address gaps in the current financial landscape.

Annual global climate finance flows reached approximately USD 343-385 billion in 2010/2011, with the private sector providing the majority (USD 217-243 billion). While public finance (USD 16-23 billion) acts as a catalyst, total investment remains far below the USD 1 trillion annual requirement projected by the IEA to limit global temperature rise to below 2 degrees Celsius. Mitigation activities, primarily renewable energy and energy efficiency, attracted the bulk of funding (USD 350 billion), while adaptation interventions received USD 12.3-15.8 billion. Emerging economies, particularly China, Brazil, and India, were the largest recipients of mitigation finance, often utilizing domestic resources and National Development Banks.

The authors find substantial support for the existence of democratic waves, arguing that they are driven by a combination of economic development, democratic diffusion from neighboring countries, the 'stickiness' of consistent institutional configurations, and systemic shocks such as world wars and the creation of new states.

The Prosol program (2005-2010) successfully scaled the deployment of solar water heaters in Tunisia by combining capital subsidies, concessional credit, and a unique risk-mitigation framework. By leveraging the state utility STEG as a debt collector and guarantor, the program reduced credit risk for commercial banks, leading to a 1:5 public-to-private investment ratio. The initiative not only increased installed capacity fivefold but also generated significant fiscal returns for the Tunisian government by reducing expenditures on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) subsidies.

The report argues that social media can drive political engagement in Africa, citing examples from the Arab Spring and elections in Nigeria and Zambia. However, it highlights significant obstacles, including low internet penetration, high costs, and active government censorship or surveillance in countries like Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Cameroon.

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The author argues that the African Union (AU) lost its opportunity to lead the Libyan crisis due to a lack of political will, failure to secure support for its road map, and an inability to escalate diplomatic engagement with NATO and the Arab League. The document highlights how UN Security Council Resolution 1973 prioritised the Arab League over the AU, leaving the AU as a marginal observer. To avoid further irrelevance, the author recommends that the AU recognise the Transitional National Council (TNC) and integrate its high-level ad hoc committee into existing international processes like the Libya Contact Group.

The document examines Rwanda's post-genocide trajectory, noting significant achievements in economic growth, gender parity in parliament, and progress toward Millennium Development Goals. However, it argues these gains are offset by a lack of political freedom, citing the 2010 elections, the suppression of independent media, and the intimidation of opposition voices under President Paul Kagame's administration. The author warns that the suppression of civil society could lead to instability similar to the pro-democracy uprisings then occurring in the Middle East and North Africa.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.

The statement by SAIIA Chairperson Fred Phaswana discusses the role of media and military neutrality in North African uprisings and the importance of legitimate elections in Africa. It highlights South Africa's challenge in balancing energy security with climate commitments ahead of COP17 and evaluates the country's role in the UN Security Council and BRICS to ensure international engagement delivers domestic benefits.

The document examines the tensions in France's Africa policy, noting a pattern of maintaining ties with authoritarian leaders in countries such as Chad and Gabon despite promises of reform. It highlights the specific diplomatic friction between France and South Africa over the recognition of Alassane Ouattara's presidential victory in Côte d’Ivoire, contrasting France's recognition with South Africa's call for compromise.

The author analyzes the causes of popular uprisings in countries such as Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, and Iran—citing unemployment, corruption, and authoritarianism—to warn the South African government. The text argues that constitutional democracy and voting are insufficient if elected officials remain unresponsive to the needs of the electorate, noting that dissatisfaction in places like Wesselton and Ermelo over jobs and service delivery mirrors the triggers of international unrest.