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The report examines the role of risk mitigation and transfer (RMT) instruments in supporting utility-scale wind and solar projects in East Africa. Through six case studies, it finds that while RMT tools—such as political risk insurance, guarantees, and blended finance—are essential for reaching financial close, risks remain high due to macroeconomic instability, currency volatility, and utility financial strain. The analysis highlights a 'start-stop cycle' in countries like Kenya, where rapid deployment led to overcapacity and subsequent government moratoriums on new contracts. Conversely, the GET FiT program in Uganda is presented as a successful model of systematic de-risking through transparent procurement and institutional support.

The ECRF project is a five-year initiative (2026-2030) requesting 44.68 million USD from the Green Climate Fund to address extreme climate vulnerability in northwestern South Sudan. Targeting Northern Bahr el Ghazal and Warrap states, the project aims to benefit 575,111 direct and 1,098,820 indirect beneficiaries. It employs a three-component strategy: strengthening national and local institutional capacity for climate information and disaster risk management; enhancing the delivery of last-mile climate services and private sector supply of adaptation inputs; and implementing community-led sustainable land and water management and climate-resilient livelihoods. The project is co-executed by the World Food Programme (WFP) and UNHCR, with additional co-financing from the Government of Japan.

The policy brief examines how water scarcity empowers non-state armed groups, delegitimizes state authority, and fuels transboundary disputes, while proposing that the US utilize its technological leadership and mediation experience to maintain geopolitical stability.

The report analyzes climate adaptation projects in Afghanistan, the DRC, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while insecurity often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-climate nexus analysis and prioritize bottom-up, community-led approaches can mitigate conflict and foster peace. The authors recommend flexible implementation, holistic monitoring and evaluation, and the explicit inclusion of conflict mitigation in project objectives to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'.

The report examines climate adaptation in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, the Horn of Africa, Mexico, Myanmar, and Papua New Guinea. It finds that while instability often leads to risk-averse site selection and implementation delays, projects that integrate conflict-sensitivity and community-led approaches can mitigate these challenges and potentially contribute to peacebuilding. The analysis highlights the necessity of flexible implementation, the use of fragility assessments, and the importance of addressing root causes of vulnerability to avoid maladaptation and 'backdraft'—unforeseen negative spillover effects.

The report examines how Egypt, South Sudan, and Chad manage the influx of Sudanese refugees, highlighting a systemic gap between international legal commitments and the lived realities of displaced persons. It identifies specific failures in each country—Egypt's security-heavy approach, South Sudan's operational fragility, and Chad's institutional weakness—and recommends regional coordination through the AU and IGAD to establish a predictable protection framework.

The report examines Sudan's history of failed transitional justice efforts and proposes a multi-pillar framework—including mental health support, truth-finding, and criminal accountability—to achieve sustainable peace. It emphasizes that while a cessation of hostilities is ideal for full implementation, certain elements like psychosocial support should begin immediately. The authors advocate for a victim-centered, Sudanese-led process that integrates traditional justice mechanisms and maintains a transnational scope to address harms involving South Sudan and the diaspora.

The report examines the impact of declining official development assistance (ODA) on Africa's energy sector, noting a 10% drop in ODA flows since 2020. It argues that this funding gap, particularly severe in the energy sector, necessitates a shift toward private capital and domestic savings, which currently stand at 18% in Sub-Saharan Africa compared to a 36% global average. The document identifies structural inefficiencies in state-run utilities—where transmission and distribution losses cost the continent approximately 5 billion USD annually—as a primary barrier to progress. To achieve energy independence and industrial growth, the report recommends strengthening regional integration via the African Continental Free Trade Agreement to expand fragmented energy markets and diversifying away from expensive thermal generation. Ultimately, it calls for an energy agenda led by African nations rather than external funders in Washington, Brussels, or Beijing, treating energy investment as a development multiplier that could unlock market opportunities of nearly 12 trillion USD across four key sectors.

The report argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable and varies significantly across armed actors. It highlights a shift toward analyzing 'patterns of violence'—distinguishing between military strategy, organizational policy, and tolerated social practice—while advocating for a more intersectional approach that includes men, boys, and LGBTQIA+ survivors. The authors identify critical gaps in the study of structural root causes and perpetrator motivations, and they caution that traditional policy tools like international prosecutions and state-level sanctions have limited or even counterproductive effects on prevention.

The author critiques the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for its failure to move beyond rhetorical commitments to substantive protection and inclusion. While acknowledging its role in elevating conflict-related sexual violence, the paper argues that the agenda's focus on penetrative rape has occluded other gender-based harms, such as obstetric and structural violence. It further highlights the marginalization of women in formal peace negotiations and the failure to account for colonial causality. The author proposes a shift toward 'everyday peace'—focusing on the long-term, grassroots conditions of survival and tolerance—to ensure a more inclusive and sustainable peace that addresses the needs of all women, particularly those from marginalized ethnic and racial backgrounds.

The document argues that Africa's critical raw materials (CRMs) have triggered a resurgence of transactional deals where external powers provide security or infrastructure in exchange for resource access. It contrasts Russia's use of private military companies, the US's transactional 'peace-brokering' model, and China's 'infrastructure-for-resources' strategy, noting that these arrangements often prioritize foreign strategic gains over African long-term stability and sovereignty.

The Kandy Declaration, issued during the 3rd Nyéléni Global Forum in Sri Lanka, calls for a systemic transformation of global societies to dismantle capitalist and imperialist structures. It advocates for food sovereignty, agroecology, and a feminist just energy transition while opposing corporate monopolies over land, seeds, and water. The document commits to transforming the United Nations multilateral system, cancelling external sovereign debt, and holding transnational corporations accountable for human rights violations through a legally binding treaty.

The Kandy Declaration, emerging from the 3rd Global Nyéléni Forum in Sri Lanka, calls for a systemic transformation to combat the intersecting crises of climate, health, and food insecurity. It advocates for the protection of the 'commons'—including seeds, water, and land—against corporate extractivism and the 'blue' and 'green' neoliberal regimes. The document commits to a feminist and popular transition toward agroecology, a just energy transition, and the reform of the UN multilateral system to prioritize people over corporate interests.

The Kandy Declaration, issued during the 3rd Nyéléni World Forum in Sri Lanka, is a call for systemic transformation by a global coalition of social movements, Indigenous peoples, and civil society. It argues that capitalism and imperialism drive multiple crises—including climate change, biodiversity loss, and food insecurity—through extractivism, industrial agriculture, and the commodification of nature. The document advocates for a transition toward agroecology, food sovereignty, and feminist economies, while demanding the reform of the UN multilateral system to prioritize people over corporate interests. Key commitments include fighting for a legally binding treaty on transnational corporate accountability, implementing a feminist and just energy transition, and opposing 'green and blue' neoliberal regimes.

The report identifies a significant 'take-off' in solar panel imports to Africa, with imports from China rising 60% to 15,032 MW in the 12 months to June 2025. This growth is widespread, with 20 countries setting new import records and 25 countries importing at least 100 MW. The report suggests this surge may be driven by distributed solar, potentially replacing expensive diesel generation and significantly increasing electricity supply in several countries, such as Sierra Leone and Chad.

The research paper examines whether South Africa has eclipsed Nigeria as Africa's dominant power. While Nigeria maintains significant demographic and resource-based weight, the author argues that South Africa has leveraged multilateral institutions, a diverse economy, and a value-driven foreign policy to achieve greater global visibility and influence. The analysis highlights Nigeria's internal security challenges and strategic drift as factors that have diminished its international standing, while noting that South Africa faces its own domestic vulnerabilities, including energy crises and high unemployment.

Turkey is aggressively expanding its presence in Africa's critical minerals sector to support its domestic defence, electric vehicle, and renewable energy industries. While Turkey employs a pragmatic, commercially driven approach—often coupling mining with defence cooperation in volatile regions like the Sahel—the paper argues that aligning Turkish commercial agility with EU financial instruments and ESG standards through the Minerals Security Partnership (MSP) could create more sustainable, trilateral value chains that benefit African host nations.

The document argues that while African governments have set ambitious climate adaptation targets, governance and financial barriers hinder the effectiveness of locally led adaptation (LLA). It highlights the severe economic impact of climate change on Africa's GDP and food systems, noting that LLA can enhance resilience by centering decision-making at the community level and leveraging Indigenous knowledge. The brief identifies gaps in national policies, such as the lack of substantive gender analysis in NDCs and the disconnect between identified needs and available funding. It recommends integrating LLA principles into national policies, expanding direct access to climate finance for local actors, and strengthening monitoring and evaluation systems to ensure accountability and inclusivity.

The document evaluates the BMZ's Feminist Development Policy (FDP), noting progress in institutional training and specific projects in Rwanda and Tunisia, while critiquing the lack of concrete anti-colonial strategies and contradictions between feminist rhetoric and Germany's arms exports.

The World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) calls for a fundamental reassessment of the international development model, which it describes as a colonial project. Amidst declining foreign aid from the United States and Europe, WACC advocates for a 'post-aid world' centered on communication justice, democratic data ownership, and the prioritization of national actors and Indigenous knowledge over Northern agendas.