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The document outlines the thematic orientations and findings of PRIO's migration research team since 2007, emphasizing a holistic approach that covers the entire migration chain. Key insights challenge the forced-voluntary migration dichotomy, highlight the role of corruption in migration processes, and argue that transnational ties do not hinder integration. The report also examines the political nature of diaspora engagement and the importance of religious networks for migrants.

The document analyzes Kenya's foreign policy across four presidencies, noting a historical tendency to 'punch below its weight' despite economic strength. It highlights a significant shift in 2011 with the military incursion into Somalia and the subsequent pan-African focus under Uhuru Kenyatta. The paper examines Kenya's role in regional integration through the EAC and LAPSSET project, its complex relations with South Africa, and the introduction of a new Foreign Policy Framework based on five pillars of diplomacy.

The report examines Turkey's transition to an 'emerging donor' through its activities in Somalia, highlighting a 'multi-actor and multi-track policy' that combines humanitarian aid, development assistance, and strategic political engagement. While praised for its rapid delivery and respect for national ownership, the Turkish approach is noted for lacking structured monitoring and evaluation and being heavily concentrated in Mogadishu.

This report examines Turkey's multifaceted engagement in Somalia, which intensified following the 2010–2012 famine. It analyzes the trends and challenges of Turkey's approach as an emerging donor in a conflict setting, highlighting its willingness to deploy staff despite security risks and its emphasis on national ownership.

The paper argues that effective governance is a primary determinant of poverty reduction in Africa. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, it demonstrates that improving governance effectiveness (aligned with SDG 16.6) would lift more than 60 million people out of poverty by 2050, outperforming other targeted health and sanitation interventions.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The document examines the integration of women into the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF), highlighting a disconnect between constitutional mandates for 30% female representation and the actual experience of female soldiers. While Kenya has established a National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325 and seen the appointment of its first female brigadier, women remain underrepresented in leadership and are frequently excluded from combat roles due to patriarchal societal norms and a masculinist institutional culture. The report argues that 'gender-neutral' policies often fail to address substantive inequalities, leading to career stagnation and the persistence of sexual harassment within the military.

The report argues that President Yoweri Museveni uses Uganda's role as a regional security provider to deflect international criticism of his domestic democratic decay. It details the use of patronage and repression to maintain power, the personalized nature of Ugandan foreign policy, and the strategic use of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The document analyzes China's transition from a non-interference policy to a more active role in African peace and security, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and a desire to establish itself as a 'responsible great power'. It contrasts Chinese and Western interpretations of human rights and peacebuilding, noting China's preference for socio-economic rights and state-led stability. While China has increased its UN peacekeeping contributions and partnered with the African Union, the report notes a contradiction in its role as a major arms supplier to the continent.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The paper argues that South Africa's extreme inequality, high unemployment, and declining governance effectiveness are fueling social turbulence. It details a shift from state-sponsored apartheid violence to diverse forms of public violence, including service delivery protests, xenophobic attacks, and student unrest. The authors highlight a critical failure in security institutions and a lack of structural economic reform, suggesting the country is at a political turning point where economic stagnation and poor leadership increase the risk of future instability.

Phaesun GmbH and Horn Renewables have deployed 'Business Opportunities with Solar Systems' (BOSS) solutions in Somaliland since 2012, focusing on the commercial sector in non-electrified areas. Key implementations include solar charging stations for mobile phones and LED lamps, as well as solar cooling and freezing kits for fishermen and shop owners. By the end of 2015, the partnership established over 50 charging stations across 23 locations and installed 33 cooling kits. These interventions have enabled fishermen to preserve catches and achieve higher margins by selling fresh fish in cities. The project has also introduced solar-powered fans, TVs, and agricultural processing services, with plans to develop a 'solar market place' in a village square to further enhance community prosperity.

The report analyzes armed conflict trends using Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) statistics, noting a recent upsurge in both the number of conflicts and battle casualties in 2014. While long-term trends since the 1950s show a decline in warfare deaths and a shift from interstate to internal conflicts, 2014 saw 40 conflicts and over 100,000 deaths. The authors attribute the recent rise to nationalism and religious extremism, while predicting that long-term democratization and development will eventually lead to the waning of war.

The document provides a structured review of literature concerning the gendered aspects of DDR. It highlights a systemic tendency to view women primarily as victims or 'camp followers' rather than active combatants, which leads to their exclusion from DDR benefits. It also examines how hegemonic masculinity drives violence and how the lack of gender-sensitive planning in post-conflict settings—such as in Aceh or Sierra Leone—marginalizes female ex-fighters. Conversely, it notes more inclusive patterns in Latin American peace processes, such as those in Colombia and El Salvador.

The document examines the women's empowerment agenda in Somalia, contrasting the global Women, Peace and Security (WPS) framework with local historical and social contexts. It highlights the 'state feminism' of the Siyad Barre era (1969-1991), the disruptions caused by the civil war, and the influence of the Somali diaspora. The authors argue that international efforts focusing primarily on political quotas may overlook the substantive civic and informal leadership roles Somali women hold, potentially delegitimizing the agenda by appearing incompatible with local norms.

Somaliland is described as a rare success story of stability and democracy in the Horn of Africa, though this progress is considered fragile. The report highlights critical weaknesses in its political system, specifically the chronic delay of presidential and parliamentary elections, and the influence of clan politics on governance. It identifies the lack of international recognition as a primary internal tension and warns of the growing influence of Salafism. Externally, the report notes ongoing border disputes with Puntland and the existential threat posed by the Somali Federal Government's refusal to accept Somaliland's independence.

The report analyzes the political landscape of Tanzania ahead of the 2015 elections, highlighting the challenge to the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party's long-term dominance. It identifies key drivers of potential instability, including the failure to implement a three-tier federal government structure, high youth unemployment, and historical electoral violence in Zanzibar. While the overall risk of widespread insecurity is deemed low, the document warns of localized violence and the risk of radicalization among marginalized youth.