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The document examines the evolution of democratic governance in Africa from the OAU era to the AU era, focusing on the APRM and ACDEG. It argues that while the continent has shifted from 'politics of the bullet' to 'politics of the ballot', significant challenges remain, including 'illiberal democracies' and slow implementation of governance reviews. The author advocates for stronger synergies between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), increased domestic funding for National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and a balanced role for non-state actors to prevent 'state capture' of these initiatives.

The document identifies significant barriers to integrating climate science into African policy-making, including systematic biases in climate models, a decline in observational data networks, and a lack of technical capacity to interpret data. It emphasizes that current climate information is often too coarse in resolution for local decision-making and is poorly communicated to policy-makers. To address these gaps, the authors recommend promoting African-led science, improving the translation of research into non-technical formats, and engaging influential finance and development ministries rather than relying solely on environment ministries.

The document examines the governance of African fisheries, highlighting the tension between wealth generation and the 'welfare function' of small-scale fisheries. It identifies illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing as a major threat, particularly in West Africa, and discusses the transition from centralised governance to co-management systems. While progress is noted in the use of satellite tracking and regional cooperation to combat industrial overfishing, the document emphasizes the need for sustainable, independent co-management structures to protect livelihoods and ecosystems.

The document argues that market forces alone are insufficient to drive the uptake of low carbon energy in low-income countries and recommends that governments build 'innovation systems' through stakeholder networks, public market research, shared visions, and funded experimentation. These lessons are derived from the growth of Kenya's off-grid solar market, where an estimated 300,000 homes have PV systems and over 100,000 solar portable lights are in use.

The document outlines the transition from short-term National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) to medium- and long-term National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) for Least Developed Countries (LDCs). It emphasizes the need for iterative planning, the use of 'no-regret' strategies to manage data uncertainty, and the integration of climate adaptation into national development strategies. The briefing highlights significant funding gaps, noting that LDCF resources fall short of demand and that LDCs require approximately US$ 5 billion to implement NAPAs alone. It also discusses the role of the Green Climate Fund (GCF) and the importance of establishing robust monitoring and evaluation (M&E) frameworks to track adaptation effectiveness and climate finance.

The document argues that adaptation planning has historically focused on local, direct impacts, neglecting the interconnected nature of global trade, finance, and migration. It proposes a framework to identify 'transboundary' and 'teleconnected' indirect impacts, categorizing them into four risk pathways: people, bio-physical, trade, and finance. The brief provides specific diagnostic questions for each pathway and recommends that NAPs include dedicated sections on international dimensions of vulnerability to improve regional and global resilience.

The paper examines the gap between Ethiopia's large-scale grid expansion and the needs of the rural poor, proposing a Sector Wide Approach (SWAp) to integrate decentralized renewable energy into national policy.

The report examines the critical role of mangrove ecosystems in Mozambique, highlighting their value in carbon sequestration, coastal protection, and supporting fisheries. It identifies significant threats from urban growth, aquaculture, and the extractive boom in oil, gas, and mining. The author argues that Mozambique's current governance is fragmented across multiple ministries, leading to weak enforcement of environmental laws. The document advocates for the use of ecosystem valuation, Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs), and 'Blue Carbon' financing to incentivize conservation and reconcile economic growth with ecological sustainability.

The policy brief contends that offensive military intervention is frequently required to stop conflicts before peacekeeping can begin, noting that international bodies often fail to act promptly. It analyzes the increasing capabilities of opposing forces in Africa—including better training, equipment, and leadership—and the logistical challenges posed by vast strategic and operational distances. The author argues that South Africa, as a regional economic power, should develop an autonomous intervention capability within the SANDF, including enhanced special forces, airlift, and reconnaissance, potentially requiring a defense budget of approximately 2% of GDP, while still cooperating with SADC and the African Union.

The document assesses the G-20's food security commitments from an African perspective, focusing on food-price volatility, agricultural productivity, and nutrition. While it finds broad alignment in rhetoric and focus areas, it argues that the G-20 fails to implement critical regulatory reforms in financial markets and trade that would meaningfully benefit Africa.

The policy brief highlights that mangroves are among the world's most threatened vegetation types, with over 20% lost in the last 30 years. It emphasizes that in Africa, mangroves often overlap with fossil fuel deposits and infrastructure projects, leading to degradation. The author advocates for the use of ecosystem valuations, integrated coastal zone management, and the inclusion of local communities in decision-making to reconcile economic growth with biodiversity conservation. Proposed interventions include the adoption of 'no net loss' policies, the use of Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs), and the implementation of Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon trading to provide financial incentives for conservation.

The report examines the 'land question' in Ghana, identifying a weak institutional base and the political manipulation of land as primary drivers of insecurity. It details how these issues lead to violent disputes, the rise of 'land guards', and economic instability. The document also addresses the impact of large-scale land grabbing by foreign corporations and the systemic marginalization of women and the poor in land access. It concludes that these problems are mirrored across other ECOWAS member states and calls for regional policy leadership and greater accountability for traditional chiefs.

Brazil provides technical assistance to Africa primarily through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), focusing on South-South solidarity and the transfer of domestic expertise in agriculture, health, and social policy. While Brazil has established flagship projects like ProSavana in Mozambique and 'Cotton-4' in West Africa, the rapid expansion of these commitments has led to institutional overstretch, a lack of monitoring mechanisms, and a need for greater transparency and civil society involvement.

The document examines the complex drivers of migration in Bangladesh, projecting that 9.7 million people may migrate over the next 40 years due to climate stresses. It argues that migration should be viewed as an adaptation tool rather than a failure of local interventions, noting that remittances help households recover from losses and adapt livelihoods. The authors critique existing Bangladeshi policies for treating migration as a threat or a symptom of unplanned urbanisation and propose a comprehensive climate change policy, an internal migration policy, and improved access to vocational training and migration finance in affected areas.

The report analyzes President Barack Obama's 2013 visit to Africa, framing it as an effort to shift US-Africa relations from a focus on security and counter-terrorism toward economic growth, trade, and democratic investment. It highlights the competitive pressure from China's dominant trade position and the US's efforts to address energy poverty and youth unemployment through initiatives like YALI and renewable energy financing.

The briefing examines Senegal's vulnerability to religious radicalism following the crisis in Mali. It challenges the common perception that Sufi brotherhoods provide total immunity against extremism, highlighting risks such as youth unemployment, a dual education system, and the influence of Wahhabite and jihadist Salafism. The authors argue that the Senegalese government has not fully integrated the religious dimension into its security policy and recommends reforms to the educational system and increased regional intelligence cooperation.

The report examines the vulnerability of Senegal to religious radicalism and terrorism, particularly in the context of the conflict in Mali. While the majority of Senegalese citizens and traditional Sufi brotherhoods are viewed as a shield against extremism, the study identifies a growing minority of youth and 'reformist' movements influenced by Salafism and Wahhabism. These groups often express anti-Western sentiments and hostility toward traditional brotherhoods. The report highlights the risk posed by a dual educational system and the 'Islamisation of political contestation,' recommending a multidisciplinary approach to security and a national dialogue on education to mitigate the risk of radicalisation.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The research paper analyzes Senegal's strategic relationship with Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It argues that under President Abdoulaye Wade, Senegal exercised a policy of patronage and influence over its smaller neighbor to secure military cooperation against the Mouvement des forces démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC). This influence was built on Senegal's relative economic power, diplomatic networks, and direct financial support to Guinean leaders and military officials. However, the document notes a decline in Senegalese influence after 2009 due to the deaths of key allies and the emergence of Angola as a primary diplomatic and financial partner for Guinea-Bissau.

The document analyzes Senegal's foreign policy since 2000, noting a transition from 'classic' diplomacy to a 'technicized' approach where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lost its monopoly to specialized ministries and non-state actors. It highlights the 'hyper-power' of the presidency, the marginalization of the legislative and judicial branches, and a strategic shift toward emerging economic partners like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that while President Abdoulaye Wade's tenure was marked by high personalization and pan-Africanist ambitions, the 2012 election of Macky Sall signaled a return to more traditional diplomatic relations, particularly with France and neighboring states.