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The report details WWF's efforts to transform commodity markets through the promotion of credible certification schemes, corporate engagement, and policy influence. It highlights the growth of standards like RSPO and MSC, the integration of small-scale producers into sustainable supply chains, and the increasing commitment of major retailers and financial institutions to sustainable sourcing. The document argues that while significant progress has been made in moving sustainability from a niche to a mainstream requirement, further work is needed to scale these impacts and integrate them into national policies and landscape-level management.

The document argues that success at COP20 in Lima depends on rich nations delivering climate finance, specifically filling the Green Climate Fund, which has only seen "USD 2.3 billion in pledges" despite a "USD 100 billion a year by 2020" goal. It emphasizes the need for an international accounting framework to prevent "double counting" and ensure that only countries with "stringent targets" can access carbon markets to avoid the "hot air" issues seen under the Kyoto Protocol. The author calls for the accounting framework to be embedded in the new climate treaty separately from the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) and highlights the need to streamline human rights safeguards for the CDM, REDD+, and Green Climate Fund.

The text criticizes the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) as undemocratic processes that shift power from national governments to multinational corporations. It highlights the risks of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, the potential for restricted consumer choice regarding GMOs, and the negative impact on developing nations in the Global South. The author contends that the expected economic growth is negligible compared to the loss of regulatory autonomy and the fragmentation of multilateral global trade.

The report analyzes how the EU 28 can decrease its reliance on natural gas imports through cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy deployment across the buildings, industry, and energy supply sectors. It argues that these measures can reduce the share of natural gas in primary energy demand to 16% by 2030, significantly outperforming the European Commission's proposed 2030 framework.

The report estimates that a transition to a low-carbon economy could put nearly $25 trillion of fossil fuel asset value at risk, with approximately 80% of this risk borne by governments rather than private investors. The analysis highlights that oil represents the majority of value at risk (close to 75%), while coal offers the highest emissions reduction potential with relatively low stranding risk (12%). The document argues that the net economic impact depends heavily on policy: a purely tax-based approach to reducing oil demand could cost the global economy $3 trillion, whereas an innovation-led transition could yield a net benefit of $7 trillion. It recommends prioritizing the phase-out of coal and utilizing financial mechanisms to lower the cost of renewable energy in emerging markets.

The report argues that implementing cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy measures could halve the EU's net natural gas imports and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 49% relative to 1990 levels by 2030. It identifies the buildings sector as having the highest potential for savings, followed by energy production and industry, while noting that domestic production, including shale gas, is unlikely to increase substantially.

The signatories argue that Russia has escalated its conflict in Ukraine through the deployment of regular troops and heavy military equipment, specifically targeting industrial hubs like Mariupol to create a land bridge to Crimea. They contend that the Russian leadership seeks to destabilize Ukraine to prevent it from becoming a successful, democratically reformed state. The authors urge the EU to impose new sanctions, provide humanitarian aid, secure energy supplies, and offer financial assistance to prevent economic collapse, while calling for the suspension of visa requirements for Ukrainian citizens as a sign of solidarity.

The document assesses South Africa's strategic position in global development, arguing that the country can strengthen its peacebuilding and PCRD efforts in Africa by leveraging the IBSA Fund and the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB). It highlights the role of the newly established SADPA in coordinating these efforts while cautioning that South Africa must align its PCRD vision with the African Union and manage domestic perceptions of its outgoing aid.

The policy brief examines the tension between national interests and human rights values in the foreign policies of emerging democracies like Brazil, India, Indonesia, and South Africa. While these states have collaborated with established democracies on specific crises in Myanmar, North Korea, and Libya, the author identifies significant cleavages driven by a preference for sovereignty, non-intervention, and economic interests. The document highlights how historical grievances against Northern hegemony and fear of reciprocal criticism of domestic records inhibit a consistent pro-human rights stance. However, it notes that transnational advocacy, the globalisation of media, and international mechanisms like the UN Human Rights Council provide pathways to pressure states toward greater accountability.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The document analyzes protection racketeering in Cape Town, contrasting the sophisticated, networked rackets in the CBD with the more diverse and often opportunistic extortion on the Cape Flats. It argues that these rackets persist not only due to state capacity failures but also through the blurring of lines between legal private security and criminal enterprises, as well as systemic police corruption.

The relationship between South Africa and China has evolved from formal diplomatic recognition in 1998 to a 'comprehensive strategic partnership' by 2010. While bilateral trade has grown rapidly, with China becoming a primary trading partner, the structure remains imbalanced, characterized by South African raw material exports and Chinese manufactured imports. Investment patterns are unique compared to other African nations, with South African firms historically investing more in China than vice versa, although Chinese FDI is increasing in mining and infrastructure. Diplomatic cooperation is strong in multilateral forums like BRICS and the UN Security Council, though tensions exist regarding commercial competition and public perceptions of Chinese business practices.

The document examines the BRICS contingent reserve arrangement (CRA), a US$100bn pool designed to provide liquidity during balance of payments or short-term liquidity crises. While the CRA serves as a political challenge to the perceived undemocratic structure of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), it also provides an 'Argentinian floor' to prevent total currency collapse during market volatility, such as that caused by US Federal Reserve tapering.

The analysis of the Yamal LNG and Prirazlomnoe projects in the Russian Arctic indicates that while government support is used to make otherwise uneconomic fields viable, the 'manual control' of tax breaks for 'cherry-picked' projects results in excessively large rent transfers from taxpayers to companies. The document notes that a lack of quantitative estimates makes it impossible to determine if the social benefits of these developments outweigh their social costs and environmental risks.

The document outlines the initial capital, governance, and operational goals of the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. The NDB is intended for infrastructure and development projects with an initial capital of $50 billion, while the CRA is a $100 billion foreign exchange pool designed to support BRICS governments during liquidity or balance of payments crises.

The report analyzes government subsidies for the Yamal LNG and Prirazlomnoe projects in the Russian Arctic. It finds that Yamal LNG would be uneconomic without state-funded infrastructure and tax breaks, while Prirazlomnoe received substantial tax breaks after most capital expenditures were already sunk, effectively acting as a rent transfer to Gazprom. Both projects are associated with significant environmental risks, including salinity changes in the Bay of Ob and potential oil spills in the Pechora Sea.

The report examines the high financial risks governments face in investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), where average claims reach US$492 million. It details the disparity between claimed and awarded amounts, a growing trend toward compound interest, and the significant burden of legal and administrative costs, which often fall disproportionately on respondent states, particularly developing countries.

The document examines the role of 'emerging powers'—specifically China, India, Russia, and Brazil—in the two Sudans following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and South Sudan's 2011 independence. It highlights China as the most dominant actor, particularly in the oil and infrastructure sectors, while India's role is significant but more limited. The analysis argues that the 'South-South cooperation' rhetoric used by these states masks a reality of extractive economic interests that reinforce Sudan's unbalanced political economy. The paper details how the 2011 secession of South Sudan stripped Sudan of 75% of its oil production, leading to economic decline and shifting the strategic focus of Asian investors. It also discusses the impact of conflicts in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile on foreign investments and the role of these powers in peacekeeping and arms transfers.

Carbon Market Watch asserts that the Joint Implementation (JI) mechanism is plagued by transparency and quality problems, particularly within 'Track 1' projects. The author argues that the mechanism fails to produce genuine emission reductions and that proposed reforms are insufficient, suggesting the scheme be consigned to history after 2020.

Natural gas, primarily composed of methane, forms from the thermal breakdown of ancient organic matter under heat and pressure. Its storage depends on rock porosity and permeability, with deposits categorized as conventional or unconventional. In the United States, the Energy Information Administration estimated 2,203 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas in 2009, though global reserves are significantly higher, with Russia holding the largest share.