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Following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions, Russia has pivoted its fossil fuel exports toward Asia. While this has partially offset revenue losses from the European market, the report argues that Russia remains locked in a hydrocarbon-centric model that is increasingly misaligned with the decarbonisation trajectories of its primary Asian customers. China and India have leveraged discounted Russian oil and coal to support economic growth while simultaneously diversifying their energy portfolios and expanding renewable capacity. Vietnam has seen modest growth in Russian coal and nascent LNG trade, balancing energy security with sustainability goals. The report highlights structural bottlenecks, such as limited rail capacity for coal and the risks of a 'shadow fleet' for oil, as significant constraints on Russia's long-term export viability.

The report analyzes Russia's strategic use of climate-related disinformation to advance geopolitical goals. It details how the Kremlin exploits climate disasters in the West to stoke polarization, suppresses domestic environmental activism to prevent unrest, and manipulates narratives in the Arctic and Africa to secure economic and political influence. The document highlights the intersection of Russian influence with far-right rhetoric and the emerging threat of AI-driven disinformation, while arguing that subnational and international cooperation is essential to counter these efforts as US federal defenses weaken.

Europe experienced a warmer-than-average October 2025, with significant rainfall in the Balkans. Forecasts for the December 2025 – February 2026 winter period project warmer-than-average temperatures, particularly in northeastern Europe, and weakly positive precipitation anomalies.

The document examines the tension between Africa's potential as a clean energy leader and the restrictive nature of unilateral trade instruments like the EU's CBAM. While Africa possesses significant renewable energy potential and 30% of global critical mineral reserves, the paper argues that CBAM could reduce collective GDP by 0.91% (approximately USD 25 billion) and limit fiscal space for green R&D. It suggests that African nations leverage their strategic mineral advantages, utilize the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to eliminate 97% of internal tariffs, and push for more structured discussions on trade restrictions within the UNFCCC and WTO.

The research paper analyzes clean cooking policies across 43 G20 countries, finding that 50%–70% of public spending is directed toward direct fiscal support, primarily LPG subsidies. It argues that these subsidies often fail to reach the poorest populations, create fiscal burdens, and undermine energy security and climate goals. The author recommends that G20 nations phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and implement national roadmaps prioritizing electricity, biogas, and solar energy to meet SDG 7 targets by 2030.

The 2025 East Asia Quadrilateral Dialogue joint statement argues that geopolitical zero-sum thinking and great power competition increase the risk of military conflict in East Asia and hinder cooperation on the climate crisis. The signatories advocate for the institutionalization of Track II diplomacy—linking civil society, parliaments, and experts—to maintain peace and manage regional competition.

The policy brief examines how water scarcity empowers non-state armed groups, delegitimizes state authority, and fuels transboundary disputes, while proposing that the US utilize its technological leadership and mediation experience to maintain geopolitical stability.

The report finds that while total emissions from 25 major emitters may peak by 2026, current policies are insufficient to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal. Fifteen countries are likely on track to meet their 2030 unconditional NDC targets, while nine are off track, including the US, UK, and Japan. Projections for the US have worsened due to policy rollbacks, and eight countries are already projected to miss their 2035 unconditional NDC targets.

Reclaim Finance reports a 'double discourse' within the Crédit Agricole group regarding climate commitments. While Crédit Agricole CIB announced in May 2024 that it would no longer participate in conventional bond issuances for fossil fuel companies, its subsidiary Amundi continues to provide capital to the sector. Between 2024 and 2025, Amundi invested 300 million euros in 80 bonds from companies expanding coal, oil, and gas projects, including significant holdings in Glencore, Saudi Aramco, TotalEnergies, and BP. The report contrasts this with BNP Paribas, which extended similar restrictions to its asset management and insurance arms. Reclaim Finance asserts that this inconsistency undermines the group's climate credibility and calls for an immediate alignment of Amundi's policies with the group's stated transition goals.

The report examines how the UNFCCC's reliance on consensus has led to a 'race to the bottom,' where a small number of countries can veto critical decisions on fossil fuels, 1.5°C targets, and loss and damage. By comparing the UNFCCC to other UN bodies and multilateral environmental agreements—such as the UN General Assembly and the Montreal Protocol—the author demonstrates that voting mechanisms can actually enhance multilateralism by brokering consensus and exposing blockers. The document proposes two primary procedural pathways for reform: adopting the long-bracketed draft rules of procedure or amending the Convention and Paris Agreement via a three-fourths majority vote.

The report examines the role of social media platforms in spreading climate disinformation, highlighting how algorithmic systems and revenue-sharing models incentivise misleading content. It specifically assesses the compliance of Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) with the EU Digital Services Act (DSA), concluding that most have failed to identify or mitigate climate disinformation as a systemic risk.

The report finds that international reporting of military greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is generally poor, with significant under-reporting in data submitted to the UNFCCC. A comparison of five top military spenders showed that defence ministry reports for direct emissions were, on average, 95% higher than UNFCCC figures. The report highlights a critical lack of Scope 3 (supply-chain) reporting, noting that less than 10% of military carbon footprints typically appear in UNFCCC data. It identifies systemic loopholes in reporting guidelines and instances of 'greenwashing,' specifically by the UK military, and recommends mandatory, explicit military emissions reporting within National Inventory Reports.

Europe's September 2025 was its 5th warmest on record, with significant temperature and precipitation variations across the continent. Forecasts for the December 2025 – February 2026 winter period project above-average temperatures, particularly in eastern and northeastern Europe, and weakly positive precipitation anomalies.

The paper examines the geopolitical and economic landscape of mining in West Africa, highlighting a shift toward resource nationalism in countries like Burkina Faso and Ghana. It discusses the influence of foreign powers such as France, Russia, and China, and identifies critical barriers to growth, including mineral smuggling, illegal artisanal mining, and a lack of processing infrastructure. While ECOWAS has attempted to harmonize mining regulations through directives and policies, the document notes that poor coordination and political instability have hindered their effectiveness.

The paper examines the impact of global powers and internal fragmentation on ECOWAS, noting that while external partnerships can support infrastructure and security, they often exacerbate divisions. It highlights the critical blow dealt by the January 2025 exit of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, and recommends institutional reforms, including the creation of a High Representative for Foreign Affairs and a revamped communications strategy, to strengthen regional solidarity.

The report examines the risks associated with the renewed interest in tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) among global powers. It details three plausible use scenarios—targeting facilities, military forces in the field, or demonstration shots—and models the direct physical effects of a 20-kiloton blast. The authors argue that TNW use would trigger unpredictable international crises, erode the long-standing norm of nuclear non-use, and potentially lead to uncontrolled escalation. The paper recommends reinforcing the non-use norm and implementing risk-reduction measures to prevent the normalization of nuclear warfighting.

A group of military and defence experts argues that including clean energy investments in NATO's 1.5% non-core spending target is essential for European security. They highlight that the EU continues to fund the Russian war effort through fossil fuel imports, noting that in 2024, the EU paid nearly €22 billion for Russian fossil fuels, exceeding the €19 billion in financial support provided to Kyiv. The authors contend that decentralized energy sources like wind and solar are more resilient to military attack than large power stations and that transitioning away from fossil fuels reduces vulnerability to price spikes and supply manipulation by malign actors.

The briefing proposes a dual-metric approach to track methane emissions in the oil and gas sector, noting that a single metric cannot fairly assess the diverse physical and chemical makeups of petroleum resources. It highlights the economic viability of capturing wasted gas and calls for policy-driven demand to incentivize low-methane production.

The EU remains highly vulnerable to energy price shocks and supply disruptions due to a 58% reliance on imported fossil fuels for primary energy. While the power sector has largely transitioned to homegrown sources, sectors like transport (88% reliant on imports) and buildings remain exposed. The report argues that electrification can reduce fossil import dependency to 30% by 2040, noting that 67% of EU energy demand can already be electrified with mature technologies. Current frontrunners, such as Denmark with electric vehicles and the Netherlands with heat pumps, demonstrate significant displacement of oil and gas imports.

The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is designed to prevent carbon leakage and encourage global decarbonisation by imposing levies on high-emitting imports. While facing criticism from BRICS nations as a protectionist barrier, the CBAM's design allows for the deduction of carbon prices already paid in the country of origin. This has led several countries, including India, China, Brazil, and Vietnam, to strategically develop or expand domestic carbon markets or taxes to ensure that carbon revenues are retained domestically rather than paid to the EU. Modelling indicates that if domestic prices reach 50% of the EU's price, countries like India could retain EUR 676 million annually.