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Friends of the Earth coordinated a campaign involving over 70,000 signatures and member outreach to oppose the nomination of Sam Clovis as USDA Chief Scientist, citing his lack of scientific background and climate denial. The effort, combined with political pressure from Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer and news of Clovis's involvement in the Russia investigation, led to Clovis withdrawing his nomination.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 major emitting countries and regions analysed are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like Brazil, China, and India are likely to achieve their targets with current policies, others, including the US, EU, and Canada, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail to prevent emissions from increasing up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in both developing and OECD nations, with only Japan and the EU projected to see further decreases.

The document evaluates the progress of WTO commitments made at the 10th Ministerial Conference (MC10) in Nairobi, specifically regarding agriculture and least-developed countries (LDCs). It highlights significant implementation gaps, such as the lack of a permanent solution for public stockholding for food security and the slow pace of eliminating agricultural export subsidies. The paper notes a fundamental disagreement between developed and developing nations over whether to prioritize the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) or introduce new 21st-century trade issues. For South Africa, the authors recommend aligning with the Africa Group on regional integration and industrialization, supporting the G33 proposal on public stockholding, and backing the ACP proposal on fisheries subsidies to support its own ocean economy.

The study investigates how internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (ITMOs) could increase global GHG emissions if countries with Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) less stringent than business-as-usual (BAU) projections transfer 'hot air'. Through road-testing 17 countries, the authors evaluate relative and absolute limits on transfers, concluding that while absolute limits are simple, relative limits based on historical emissions (as proposed by Brazil) could more effectively prevent hot air transfers, though they may restrict developing countries with increasing emissions trends.

The report argues that President Donald Trump's early presidency was marked by a lack of interest in Africa, a disregard for multilateralism, and leadership traits reminiscent of autocrats, which strained US–Africa relations. It highlights the risks posed by proposed budget cuts to foreign assistance, the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and the erosion of democratic norms. However, it also suggests that domestic resistance to Trump in the US and a push for greater African self-reliance could lead to a democratic reconsolidation and more resilient partnerships.

The document outlines a comprehensive framework for snow leopard landscape management, emphasizing the integration of climate change projections, participatory stakeholder engagement, and 'green' economic development. It provides a step-by-step strategic planning process using the Open Standards for the Practice of Conservation, including threat rating matrices and the development of socio-economic-ecological models. The guide details methods for stakeholder analysis to identify areas of convergence and divergence, and proposes governance structures such as landscape-level foundations and coordination committees to harmonize conservation and development. It also lists best practices for mitigating human-wildlife conflict, such as predator-proof corrals and livestock insurance, and provides technical guidance on using GIS for habitat modeling, corridor design, and mapping water provision services. Finally, it advocates for 'smart green infrastructure' to ensure that economic development, such as hydropower and roads, does not fragment critical habitats.

The document highlights the critical state of environmental democracy, urging the 47 state parties of the Aarhus Convention to uphold the authority of its compliance committee, prioritize public welfare over corporate profit, and promote environmental rights globally.

The text examines how regional governments and cities can maintain climate ambitions despite national withdrawals from international agreements, such as the US's proposed exit from the Paris Agreement. It highlights the Under2MoU as a global sub-national alliance and details Baden-Württemberg's legal and strategic approach to climate neutrality, while noting that regional success remains dependent on supportive national and EU frameworks.

The text emphasizes that while climate change is a global challenge requiring national commitments like the Paris Agreement, effective action is often anchored at the subnational level. It highlights the Under2MoU alliance, co-founded by Baden-Württemberg and California, as a model for regional leadership. The author, Franz Untersteller, details Baden-Württemberg's specific goals—including a 90% emission reduction by 2050—while noting that regional success is limited by the need for stronger regulatory frameworks from the German federal government and the European Union.

The document examines the BRICS grouping's attempt to reshape the global order amid US isolationism, noting that while the group promotes equality and consensus, it is dominated by China, which accounts for nearly 66% of the projected 2017 BRICS GDP. It highlights internal tensions, such as the India-China rivalry in Doklam, and argues for the promotion of fairer trade and the upholding of global agreements like the Paris accord. The text concludes that BRICS must navigate growing rivalries in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia to avoid 20th-century great power conflicts, with South Africa intending to prioritize peace and security during its 2018 chairmanship.

The paper outlines how the UK can align its trade policy with the Paris Agreement to capitalise on a low-carbon market estimated at £1.0–1.8 trillion annually by 2030. It identifies UK strengths in offshore wind, gas turbines, and financial services, and proposes a structured approach to FTAs. The authors categorise FTA provisions into 'triple wins' (tariffs, services, and standards), 'policy coherence' (intellectual property and procurement), and 'policy cooperation' (sustainable development chapters, private standards, and environmental taxes). It concludes with a checklist for policy-makers to ensure trade deals support climate-resilient development.

The report argues that limiting free expression and expanding surveillance to combat terrorism is counterproductive, as it erodes democratic values and may exacerbate radicalisation. While traditional media can spread fear through sensationalism, it rarely confers legitimacy on extremist ideologies. Similarly, while the internet facilitates the reinforcement of extremist views, it is not the primary source of radicalisation. The author recommends international norms for internet governance, stricter oversight of surveillance tools, and a shift toward addressing the underlying drivers of extremism.

The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

The document provides a collection of research abstracts focusing on the intersection of climate change and snow leopard conservation. Key themes include the loss of potential habitat due to rising temperatures, the importance of ecosystem-based adaptation for mountain communities, and the role of community-led initiatives in reducing poaching and human-wildlife conflict. It also details genetic research identifying three snow leopard subspecies and explores the economic valuation of ecosystem services in high-mountain landscapes to incentivize conservation.

The author contends that European security requires a shift from simple integration to a multifaceted approach combining 'soft, hard, and smart power'. Key priorities include meeting the 2% GDP defense spending target through joint capabilities, securing external EU borders, supporting state-building in fragile neighboring countries, and investing in green technology and development in Sub-Saharan Africa to mitigate migration and instability caused by climate change.

The document argues that the environmental impact of food production is far broader than tropical deforestation, affecting a wide array of terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems. It introduces the concept of "arcs" of habitat loss to categorize these impacts. Key areas of concern include the degradation of soils, the unsustainable depletion of groundwater aquifers, the pollution and loss of freshwater ecosystems, the conversion of carbon-rich grasslands, the disappearance of endangered tropical dry forests, and the physical destruction of the ocean floor through bottom trawling. The authors emphasize that sustainable food production requires optimizing performance across these diverse ecological systems rather than focusing solely on productivity.

The 2017 Allianz Climate and Energy Monitor finds that while emerging markets like China and India are seeing a boom in renewable energy installations driven by falling costs, OECD countries—specifically Germany, the UK, and France—remain the most attractive investment destinations due to stable policy frameworks. The report highlights a significant investment gap, stating that G20 countries must roughly double annual investments to meet Paris Agreement goals, with absolute needs reaching USD 709 billion per year (2012 prices) between 2014 and 2035. It notes a global shift from feed-in tariffs to auction-based support systems and warns that governments must now transition from focusing on generation to holistic power system design to integrate variable renewables and avoid curtailment.

The author contends that Europe is vulnerable to 'foreign economic statecraft' because it lacks a unified investment screening mechanism. While Chinese investment in high-tech sectors has surged, often driven by state-owned enterprises and strategic plans like 'Made in China 2025', the EU relies on a fragmented 'hodgepodge' of national regimes. The document highlights failures in Germany's response to the acquisitions of Kuka and Aixtron as evidence of this helplessness. It proposes that the EU should adapt legislation to help Member States block dangerous mergers and create a common consultative body to 'Europeanise' national decision-making, citing the US CFIUS model as a gold standard for such oversight.

The report describes a 'silent coup' in South Africa where a power elite centered around President Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family established a symbiotic relationship between the constitutional state and a 'shadow state'. This network repurposed state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and government departments to redirect public rents into private hands. The authors argue that the rhetoric of 'radical economic transformation' (RET) was used as a smokescreen for this systemic looting. Key mechanisms of capture included the manipulation of SOE boards, the ballooning of the public service to ensure political loyalty, and the subversion of security and intelligence agencies to protect the network and neutralize opposition. The report highlights specific cases of corruption at Transnet, Eskom, and Denel, and warns that the proposed Russian nuclear deal is a primary vehicle for massive future rent extraction.

CIEL condemns ExxonMobil's application for a US sanctions waiver that would enable a $500 billion joint venture with Rosneft for offshore drilling in the Black Sea and Russian Arctic, arguing the project is 'climate-deadly' and rewards international aggression.