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The report argues that while the oil sector has historically driven Alberta's economy, its long-term outlook is bleak due to the rise of electric vehicles, global climate action, and price volatility. It recommends that the government shift industrial policy support away from combustible hydrocarbons toward economic diversification and managed transitions for workers.

The Climate Action Tracker reports that recent Paris Agreement pledges and targets have reduced the estimated end-of-century warming to 2.4°C, down by 0.2°C. While the 2030 emissions gap for a 1.5°C pathway has narrowed by 11-14%, current policies still project a warming of 2.9°C. The most optimistic scenario, assuming full implementation of net zero targets, suggests warming could be as low as 2.0°C, though this remains above the Paris Agreement limit. The report emphasizes that stronger near-term 2030 targets are more critical for reducing warming than the addition of new net zero targets.

The document analyzes the vulnerability of sub-Saharan African food systems during the COVID-19 pandemic, noting a heavy reliance on global imports and a lack of fiscal capacity for social protection. It details how governments primarily used interventionist market, trade, and production policies, while highlighting severe disruptions in input supply, labor, and logistics. The authors argue for a shift toward more agile governance, investment in infrastructure, and the effective implementation of regional trade agreements to build future resilience.

The analysis evaluates Estonia's readiness for a hydrogen economy, focusing on the transport and industrial sectors as primary drivers for decarbonization. It models two scenarios (low and high) for hydrogen penetration by 2050, estimating that total investments could reach EUR 22.4 to 44.7 billion. The report highlights that while the transport sector—particularly shipping and rail—and the production of green ammonia and methanol offer the highest potential, significant barriers exist, including a lack of refueling infrastructure, high initial costs, and the need for a national hydrogen strategy. To unlock this potential, the study emphasizes the necessity of increasing renewable electricity capacity, specifically through offshore wind, and providing public investment to kick-start the market.

The report examines the ecological importance of Arctic wetlands, particularly their role in global carbon storage and biodiversity, while analyzing the public policy frameworks used by Arctic states to manage them. It highlights that while scientific knowledge of wetland functions is extensive, significant gaps exist in policy coherence, the influence of societal interest networks, and real-time mapping. The document advocates for a Social-Ecological Systems (SES) approach to stewardship, emphasizing the necessity of indigenous and local community participation and the adoption of advanced geospatial AI tools to improve wetland inventories and monitoring.

The Union of Concerned Scientists argues that hypersonic weapons are an evolutionary rather than revolutionary technology, providing limited tactical or strategic advantages over existing ballistic missiles. The report claims that claims of superior speed, stealth, and evasiveness are not backed by technical evidence, and that the current arms race between the US, Russia, and China is driven by hype rather than military necessity. It recommends that the US government subject these programs to strict evidence-based scrutiny to avoid wasteful spending and global security risks.

The Council on Strategic Risks outlines critical priorities for the nominee for Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear, Chemical, and Biological Defense (ASD(NCB)), focusing on biological threats highlighted by COVID-19, the erosion of chemical weapons norms, and the maintenance of civilian oversight of the U.S. nuclear enterprise.

The author argues that South Africa's foreign policy for twenty-five years has often contradicted its own constitutional human rights principles, frequently shielding rights-abusing regimes to maintain an 'anti-imperialist' stance against the West. This is evidenced by its voting records on the UN Human Rights Council, where it historically supported authoritarian states and opposed investigations into human rights violations. However, the document notes a shift starting in 2019, with South Africa supporting investigations into Myanmar and Yemen, and showing renewed support for LGBTI rights reporting.

The Council on Strategic Risks outlines key policy challenges and proposed Senate questioning for Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins' nomination as Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security Affairs. The authors emphasize the need for the U.S. to address the erosion of norms against chemical weapons, vulnerabilities exposed by COVID-19 regarding biological threats, and the rising risks of nuclear proliferation and treaty dissolution. They suggest that the nominee should be questioned on strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention, managing the final destruction of U.S. chemical stockpiles by 2023, and reinvigorating 21st-century nuclear arms control.

The briefing argues that current nuclear risk reduction efforts lack an overall strategy to achieve the NPT's disarmament end state. It identifies a deteriorating risk landscape, highlighted by the UK's 2021 Integrated Review, and proposes a two-tiered strategy consisting of 'Preparative Steps' (such as adopting a Code of Responsible Nuclear Weapon Ownership and declaring a 'sole purpose' policy) and 'Formative Steps' (including bans on nuclear cruise missiles and non-strategic nuclear weapons). The authors emphasize that risk reduction is symbiotic with the 'conditions to enable nuclear disarmament' (CEND) project and advocate for a flexible approach to overcome hurdles like the NPT's 'principle of irreversibility'.

The document analyzes the historical development of the 'WMD paradigm' in the United States, which primarily equates WMD with chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) weapons. The author argues that while this framework provided bureaucratic stability during the Cold War and post-9/11 era, it now creates a 'failure of imagination' by excluding other technologies—such as cyber weapons, drones, and synthetic biology—that can produce similar mass-casualty or mass-destruction effects. The text highlights a disconnect between the WMD paradigm and the actual historical record since 1990, noting that violent non-state actors often rely on conventional means and state actors frequently use CBRN for targeted assassinations or psychological impact rather than mass destruction.

The author contends that the Biden administration should implement strong methane standards in its new NDC, noting that the U.S. could reduce oil and gas sector methane emissions by up to 65 percent using existing technology. Such a move would provide immediate climate benefits, improve health for millions living near facilities, and encourage similar actions from major emitters like China, India, and Russia.

The document argues that the U.S. must address unstable biodefense funding and the tendency to cut budgets during crises. Drawing on the success of Operation Warp Speed, the authors propose a 10-year commitment of $10 billion annually to both the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Department of Defense (DoD) to counter rising biological threats, including lab accidents and advances in synthetic biology.

The report finds that the EU is planning a 35% increase in gas import capacity through pipelines and LNG terminals, costing an estimated €87 billion. This expansion is argued to be unnecessary for security of supply and contradictory to the EU's climate goals, creating a significant risk of stranded assets and emissions lock-in. While public financing from the EIB and EU grants has historically catalyzed these projects, the report notes a shift toward phasing out such support, though private finance and initiatives like the Three Seas Initiative continue to pose risks of further fossil gas entrenchment.

The document urges investors to vote against Total's fourteenth and sixth resolutions at its May 2021 AGM, claiming the company's climate strategy is insufficient. It highlights a lack of precise global scope 3 emission targets, planned increases in gas production, and continued investment in new oil projects in East Africa. The authors argue that Total's reliance on carbon capture and storage (CCS) is unrealistic and that its capital expenditure remains heavily skewed toward fossil fuels, creating a risk of stranded assets.

The document advises journalists to treat COP26 with urgency, framing coverage around the 1.5 C temperature goal, climate justice, and the political barriers to solutions. It emphasizes the need for advance coverage and the localization of global climate impacts to make the summit relevant to diverse audiences.

The report asserts that the Great Barrier Reef's Outstanding Universal Value (OUV) is deteriorating due to climate change, with the IUCN assessing its outlook as "critical" in 2020. It argues that Australia is fueling this crisis by maintaining inadequate emissions targets, expanding fossil fuel exports, and failing to align its Reef 2050 Plan with a well-below 1.5°C warming pathway. The document concludes that site-level mitigation is insufficient and calls for the World Heritage Committee to require Australia to implement national-level decarbonization and legislative commitments to protect the Reef.

The document critiques COVAX as a multi-stakeholder entity that marginalizes the World Health Organization (WHO) and replaces public health governance with a commercial banking model. It argues that COVAX is designed to protect the global pharmaceutical market and serve as a tool for geopolitical 'soft power' rather than ensuring equitable vaccine access. The author highlights that COVAX's funding mechanisms, dominated by a few wealthy nations and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, allow private interests to influence vaccine R&D and distribution, potentially risking the health and political autonomy of developing nations.

The document critiques COVAX as a multistakeholder group that functions more like a merchant bank than a health organization. It argues that COVAX marginalizes the World Health Organization (WHO) and the multilateral system, favoring the interests of pharmaceutical companies and wealthy donors. The author contends that COVAX's focus on a 20% vaccination target for 92 low- and middle-income countries is insufficient for herd immunity and risks turning vaccine access into a geopolitical tool for superpowers like China and Russia.

The report argues that the Central African Republic remains trapped in a cycle of violence despite numerous peace agreements, most recently the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation. It finds that the 2019 agreement is untenable because key provisions, such as the creation of mixed special security units (MSSUs) and an inclusive government, have failed to deter armed groups from continuing violence and controlling territory. The author highlights a 'war economy' where armed groups and some government officials benefit from instability and the illicit exploitation of resources. Furthermore, the report suggests that heavy reliance on international humanitarian aid has inadvertently reduced state responsibility and created local resentment. It recommends a comprehensive plan involving the African Union, ECCAS, and the UN that focuses on rebuilding the economic fabric, securing borders through regional cooperation with Chad, Sudan, and South Sudan, and establishing time-bound objectives for self-reliance.