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Reclaim Finance calls on Groupe Crédit Agricole to stop financing Russian coal, oil, and gas companies and to divest from them via Amundi. The organization specifically highlights Crédit Agricole's role as a major financier of Gazprom and its significant investment in TotalEnergies, demanding that support for the latter and other non-Russian firms like Fortum/Uniper and Wintershall DEA be suspended until they exit Russian operations.

The author urges journalists to ensure climate change remains a central part of the coverage for President Joe Biden's first State of the Union address. While acknowledging Biden's achievements—such as rejoining the Paris Agreement and signing a $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill—the text highlights contradictions, including the continued approval of oil and gas permits and the failure of the Build Back Better bill. The author contends that the press should challenge overly optimistic narratives and hold both the administration and political obstructionists accountable, noting that the West's reliance on fossil fuels complicates the response to the crisis in Ukraine.

The briefing argues that a comprehensive global methane agreement is necessary to achieve a 40-45% reduction in emissions by 2030 to maintain the 1.5°C warming target. It proposes three pillars of action: an updated monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV) framework utilizing satellite technology; national methane action plans targeting the energy, agriculture, and waste sectors; and a system of technical and financial assistance for developing countries. The authors highlight that many mitigation measures, particularly in the energy sector, are low-cost or can be implemented at no net cost.

The document argues that reducing methane emissions by at least 45% by 2030 is essential to meet the 1.5°C target. It details sector-specific interventions: transitioning to agroecology and plant-based diets in agriculture, eliminating fossil fuels and fixing leaks in the energy sector, and implementing a waste hierarchy focused on organic waste prevention and composting in the waste sector. It further proposes a global governance framework based on monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV), national action plans, and financial assistance for developing countries.

The report argues that while the Global Methane Pledge aims for a 30% reduction by 2030, a 40–45% reduction is necessary to meet the 1.5°C target. It details sector-specific interventions: shifting to plant-rich diets and improving livestock management in agriculture; phasing out fossil fuels and implementing leak detection in energy; and prioritizing organic waste prevention and composting in the waste sector. It further advocates for a global governance framework based on monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV), national action plans, and financial assistance for developing countries.

The report evaluates the Biden Administration's efforts to prioritize climate security across four pillars: leadership, risk assessment, international partnerships, and resilience/prevention. While it notes significant progress in high-level leadership and the publication of risk analyses, it argues that the U.S. must move from planning to execution, specifically by increasing funding for resilient infrastructure, improving climate forecasting, and mainstreaming climate security within the State Department and military engagements.

The report argues that increasing fossil fuel production is an ineffective short-term solution for energy security due to the global nature of oil and gas markets. Instead, it uses the U.S. Energy Policy Simulator (EPS) to demonstrate that clean energy incentives—such as EV tax credits and building electrification—would significantly reduce U.S. fossil fuel demand. In a 'Moderate Scenario', these policies would reduce annual oil consumption by over 180 million barrels by 2030, more than offsetting 2021 Russian oil imports, and reduce natural gas consumption by 4.7 trillion cubic feet, roughly 85% of the EU's 2021 Russian gas imports. The report also estimates GHG emission reductions of 740 to 1,230 million metric tonnes by 2030.

Global Energy Monitor (GEM) finds that operating coal mines emit 52.3 million tonnes of methane per year, exceeding IEA estimates for oil and gas. The analysis identifies China, specifically Shanxi province, as the primary source of these emissions. GEM warns that proposed mine projects could add another 11.3 million tonnes annually, effectively locking in emissions equivalent to the coal-based CO2 emissions of the United States. To meet Net Zero 2030 targets, the report argues for a faster coal phase-out and the cancellation of new projects, as current mitigation measures are often insufficient or circumvented.

The report examines 21 proposed US LNG export terminals, finding that none reached a final investment decision (FID) in 2021 due to a lack of offtake contracts and project financing. It highlights that only three projects secured direct project finance totaling US$1.6 billion against an estimated total cost of US$244 billion. The document argues that these projects face stiff competition from lower-cost producers like Qatar, regulatory hurdles regarding environmental justice, and a global shift toward renewables. Furthermore, it notes that the combined lifecycle emissions of 19 proposed terminals would be 1 gigatonne of CO2 equivalent per year, contradicting the IEA's Net Zero by 2050 Scenario.

The South African Renewable Energy Masterplan (SAREM) outlines a framework to localise the wind, solar PV, and battery energy storage value chains. It argues that localising 70% of components and 90% of Balance of Plant (BoP) and Operations and Maintenance (O&M) could create 36,500 direct jobs and contribute R420 billion to GDP by 2030. The plan emphasizes the need for market certainty through consistent public procurement and the transition to a points-based local content scoring system to incentivize high-value manufacturing over simple CAPEX spend. It specifically targets 'Just Transition hotspots' like Mpumalanga to pivot coal-sector workers into the green economy.

The document examines Russia's soft-power strategy in Africa, noting that while Russia is primarily associated with hard power, it leverages Soviet-era legacies, education, and anti-Western narratives to attract African elites and populations. It identifies key strengths in the promotion of multipolarity and traditional values, while highlighting limitations such as insufficient financial resources and the mixed results of vaccine diplomacy.

The ClimVis Europe pilot project identifies a significant gap between the production of complex climate data and its usability for non-expert decision-makers and educators in Europe. Through surveys and focus groups across six countries, the project found that existing tools often exclude users due to a lack of native-language options—particularly in Eastern Europe and Russia—and a failure to link real-time extreme weather events with long-term climate trends. The findings advocate for the co-development of intuitive, multilinguistic tools that provide necessary context to support climate risk reduction and adaptation strategies.

The WWF-US Corporate Partnership Report for FY2021 outlines the organization's strategic approach to private sector engagement, categorizing partnerships into sustainable business practices, communications and awareness, philanthropy, and employee engagement. The report lists numerous corporate partners across various budget tiers, highlighting specific collaborations on issues such as plastic waste, deforestation, and climate targets. In FY21, income from these corporate partnerships accounted for 3% of the WWF-US office's total income.

The Council on Strategic Risks (CSR) addresses the Russian invasion of Ukraine, emphasizing the convergence of the conflict with existing ecological, nuclear, and biological security crises. The organization highlights specific risks such as the seizure of the Chernobyl site, the potential for offensive biological weapons, and the geopolitical implications of a melting Arctic and dependence on Russian wheat.

CIEL condemns Russia's military action in Ukraine as a violation of international law and human rights, while highlighting how oil and natural gas fuel the crisis and are used as economic weapons.

The editorial calls for the European Union to provide material and humanitarian support to Ukraine and to intensify sanctions, specifically targeting the financial system and energy ties, in response to the Russian invasion.

The author contends that Bosnia-Herzegovina is facing a severe crisis of state stability, not due to dormant ethnic conflict, but because of a political elite that uses ethnic nationalism to maintain power and protect clientelist networks. The document highlights the destabilising actions of leaders like Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović, who use blocking tactics and threats of secession to extort the national government. It criticises the international community, specifically the EU and US, for a passive 'carrot and stick' approach and superficial negotiations that fail to deter unconstitutional politics, warning that the current trajectory could lead to the de facto secession of the Republika Srpska and the dissolution of the state.

Russia is employing a strategy of 'hedging its bets' in Libya, maintaining relations with the UN-recognised Government of National Unity while simultaneously supporting Khalifa Haftar via private military contractors and backing Saif al-Islam Gaddafi. By supporting the postponement of elections and denying links to the Wagner Group, Moscow aims to erode Western influence, maintain a Mediterranean naval presence, and ensure a permanent military foothold regardless of the political outcome.

The statement examines the intersection of digital transformation, human rights, and democracy. It highlights how 'surveillance capitalism' and algorithmic bias threaten human autonomy and equality, while disinformation and hate speech undermine the democratic public sphere. The author advocates for global regulatory frameworks, such as the EU's GDPR and Digital Services Act, to protect informational self-determination and ensure inclusive digital participation.

The briefing analyzes the proposed return of U.S. nuclear-armed sea-launched cruise missiles (SLCMs) from a Japanese security perspective. It argues that the capabilities once sought by Japan—such as low yield, stealth, and survivability—are already provided by other modernized U.S. assets, including the W76-2 low-yield SLBM warhead, B61-12 bombs, and long-range stand-off (LRSO) missiles. The author concludes that nuclear SLCMs would be a duplicative capability with low marginal benefit, especially given China's increasing anti-access and anti-denial (A2/AD) capabilities.