Search Climate Insights Directory

Mongolia possesses significant solar and wind potential, estimated at 2,600 GW, yet renewable energy only accounted for approximately 9% of total electricity production in 2023. The government aims to increase the installed capacity of renewables to 30% by 2030 under the 'Vision-2050' long-term development policy. While 12 solar and wind projects were active in 2023 with total investments of 533.15 million USD, the sector faces challenges in gender equality, with female representation generally below global averages. Current policy is governed by the Energy Law (2001) and the Law on Renewable Energy (2007), with specific tariffs set for wind (up to 0.08 USD/kWh) and solar (up to 0.12 USD/kWh) as of 2019.

Mongolia possesses significant wind and solar potential, estimated at 2600 GW, yet renewable electricity production was only about 9% of the total as of 2023. The government aims for 30% renewable energy capacity by 2030 under its Vision 2050 strategy. While 12 utility-scale projects are operational with a total investment of USD 533 million, the sector faces challenges including a predominantly male workforce and a reliance on electricity imports from China and Russia (22.3% in 2023). Current regulations include USD-denominated tariffs capped in 2019 and various tax exemptions, with future plans focusing on competitive auctions and battery storage.

The Council on Strategic Risks warns that the risk of nuclear miscalculation is rising due to 'entanglement,' where conventional and nuclear weapons are not sufficiently distinguished. The authors argue that current public policy debates do not match the scale of these risks, particularly as the world enters a period with effectively no nuclear arms control. They recommend that the U.S. government avoid conventional-nuclear entanglement as much as possible, suggesting a return to simple mitigation strategies such as using distinct paint marks to separate assets.

The statement claims that global governance is currently dominated by transnational corporations and a few powerful nations, leading to the marginalization of the Global South and the failure to address climate change and inequality. It criticizes the upcoming Summit of the Future as likely to maintain the neoliberal status quo and demands the abolition of the UN Security Council veto, the restructuring of financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank, and the reform of trade and intellectual property regimes to support the Global South.

Friends of the Earth International, alongside other organizations, asserts that global governance is currently paralyzed by geopolitical tensions and the influence of transnational corporations, which marginalizes the Global South and fails to solve existential crises. The statement criticizes the upcoming UN 'Summit of the Future' as likely to maintain the neoliberal status quo and proposes a new framework based on equity between nations, the removal of veto powers in the UN Security Council, and the prioritization of civil society over corporate interests.

The statement contends that global governance is dominated by corporate interests and a few powerful nations, marginalizing the Global South and failing to solve crises like climate change. It criticizes the upcoming Summit of the Future as a likely exercise in maintaining the neoliberal status quo. The authors advocate for a democratic global government that abolishes the UN Security Council veto, restructures the IMF and World Bank, reforms trade and intellectual property regimes to support the Global South, and establishes accountable data and AI governance.

The EU CRMA and UK CMS aim to reduce dependence on China and secure supplies for the green transition, but their domestic focus may hinder African industrialization. While the EU targets 10% domestic mining and 40% processing by 2030, its international partnerships are criticized as extractivist. The brief highlights a misalignment in 'criticality' definitions, where African states prioritize regional industrialization and specific minerals like gold or coal, which may conflict with Western climate goals or sanctions. It concludes that without a shift toward supporting in-country processing and reducing certification costs for local firms, these strategies will fail to create mutually beneficial partnerships.

The document reports a global trend of governments criminalizing environmental protests to protect corporate interests and maintain public order. It details specific crackdowns in Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America, noting that activists face charges ranging from trespassing to terrorism. The text highlights that this trend extends to international COP conferences and is criticized by the United Nations, which argues that activists perform a vital function in advocating for environmental reforms.

The policy brief examines the drivers of food insecurity in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), highlighting a 'ratchet effect' where domestic food prices remain high even as global prices fall. It attributes recent price spikes to agribusiness profiteering and financial speculation rather than supply shortages. To combat this, the author proposes the establishment of public buffer stocks, countercyclical interventions in commodity futures markets, stricter financial regulation of global commodity exchanges, and capital flow management to reduce currency volatility. The document specifically suggests that the South African G20 presidency could lead an expert review with the FAO and UNCTAD to stabilise global food prices.

The document examines climate-related disinformation spread by Tenet Media and its affiliated creators between September 1, 2023, and September 23, 2024. It identifies 183 posts engaging in 'bad acting' or disinformation, which garnered over 23.5 million views across various platforms, with X/Twitter being the most prominent. The analysis categorizes the disinformation into six primary narratives: mockery of advocates, concerns over food and gas stoves, opposition to diversity, scientific denialism, conspiracy theories like the 'Great Reset', and accusations of hypocrisy and elitism.

The report highlights that China's steel sector requires at least CNY1.6tn (USD220bn) in fixed-asset investment for decarbonisation by 2050. While the labelled bond and loan markets have the capacity to provide this capital, current issuance from the steel sector is minimal, representing only 0.1% of the Chinese labelled bond market. The document recommends aligning provincial transition finance guidelines with national and international standards, encouraging the use of greenhouse gas (GHG) emission-reduction targets in sustainability-linked bonds (SLBs), and implementing green public procurement to stimulate demand for low-carbon steel.

The report identifies the intersection of food insecurity and climate change as a critical threat to US national security, citing risks such as political instability, the weaponization of food by adversaries, and geopolitical competition over agricultural technology and fish stocks. It highlights gaps in the US policy landscape, including institutional silos and underfunding of agricultural R&D. To address these, the authors propose 'The Feeding Resilience Plan,' which recommends a new Food Security Executive Order, a standing National Security Council process, expanded forecasting via FEWSNET, increased investment in climate-resilient agricultural innovation, and diplomatic engagement to oppose food weaponization and cooperate with partners and competitors like China.

The report examines how fossil fuels correlate with inter-state wars, militarism, and internal violence, while advocating for a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to manage a just transition to renewable energy. It highlights the 'peacetime-wartime continuum' of violence, noting that fossil fuel revenues often fund conflicts and that extraction sites frequently experience human rights abuses and gender-based violence. The document calls for a treaty based on non-proliferation, a fair phase-out, and a global just transition to prevent the replication of colonial extractivist patterns in the renewable energy sector.

China is the world's largest coal producer and importer, with a significant shift toward large-scale and mega-scale mining operations. Despite climate goals, China is developing approximately 1,280 Mtpa of new coal capacity, nearly half of the global proposed pipeline. This expansion, concentrated in provinces like Inner Mongolia and Shanxi, drives massive methane emissions, with China's operating mines alone accounting for roughly 70% of global coal mine methane emissions from similar-sized operations. State-owned enterprises (SOEs) dominate the sector, controlling 40% of production capacity and contributing nearly 40% of the nation's coal mine methane emissions.

The document examines the diplomatic, military, and economic ties between Egypt and Russia over the last decade, highlighting a shared preference for authoritarian stability and a mutual desire to balance Western influence. While cooperation has expanded in arms procurement and nuclear energy, the author contends the relationship remains transactional and flexible, as Egypt employs a strategy of diplomatic hedging to maintain ties with both Moscow and the West.

The document examines the push by BRICS nations to reform the international monetary system and reduce reliance on the US dollar, particularly in the wake of financial sanctions against Russia and Iran. It analyzes the 'BRICS Pay' platform and China's specific local currency initiatives, such as the 'Hunan Model' of barter trade with Africa. The paper also evaluates the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) as Africa's own mechanism for facilitating intra-continental trade in local currencies, noting that while it could save Africa $5 billion annually, it faces hurdles including informal cash trade and a lack of institutional trust. The author concludes that while these reforms offer a way to circumvent foreign exchange shortages, African policymakers must ensure that the US dollar is not simply replaced by other external currencies like the Chinese renminbi.

Ember recommends that Indonesia update its coal mine methane (CMM) emission calculations using IPCC 'average' global emission factors, as current estimates based on 'low emission factors' likely undercount emissions. The brief argues for the inclusion of underground mining data, the development of region-specific emission factors for Sumatra and Kalimantan, and the mandate of direct measurement in underground mines to improve safety and accuracy. It further suggests integrating GHG reporting into business licensing and implementing mitigation techniques like pre-mine drainage and Ventilation Air Methane (VAM) capture. Finally, it advises limiting coal expansion to avoid stranded assets and preparing a just transition for coal-producing regions through renewable energy and critical mineral industries.

Three companies—GE Vernova, Siemens Energy, and Mitsubishi Power—control two-thirds of the global market for gas turbines in power plants currently under construction. While these firms are expanding through regional partnerships and promoting 'hydrogen-ready' technology, the report argues they face significant geopolitical and financial risks due to the rapid growth of renewables and the potential for gas power overcapacity.

The Sahel region is experiencing a major geopolitical shift as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and severed ties with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This move reflects deep-seated anti-French and anti-EU sentiment, driven by perceptions of neo-colonialism and a focus on security and migration over socio-economic development. As the EU's influence wanes, Russia has expanded its presence through military cooperation and strategic economic interests, including potential control over Niger's uranium. The author argues that the EU and ECOWAS must move away from punitive sanctions and colonial-era approaches toward equal partnerships and dialogue to maintain stability and influence in the region.

The document examines how the competition between the US, China, and Russia affects African states, noting a shift toward non-alignment and the diversification of international relations to avoid becoming geopolitical pawns. It argues that African agency can be strengthened by empowering the African Union (AU), leveraging the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and demanding partnerships based on mutual benefit rather than great-power rivalry. The Lobito Corridor is cited as a model where competing interests can coexist to provide tangible regional benefits.