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The document examines the negotiations surrounding the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) ahead of COP-19, highlighting the tension between parties seeking minimal guidance and those calling for centralized oversight. It argues that for carbon markets to support a new climate deal, they must be predicated on ambitious mitigation targets, strict environmental integrity, and the prevention of double counting. The author specifically warns that a proposed FVA pilot phase, advocated by Poland, could set a dangerous precedent by allowing early action units to be recognized in a post-2020 regime before fundamental accounting rules are established.

Carbon Market Watch opposes a pilot phase for the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), arguing that it would risk the environmental integrity of market units and mitigation targets because fundamental rules and accounting structures are not yet established. The organization further contends that recognizing "early action" for pilot participants would prematurely influence post-2020 climate regime negotiations and that such pilots could be conducted without a COP decision given existing knowledge of carbon market design.

Carbon Market Watch opposes a pilot phase for the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), arguing that the lack of established rules on environmental integrity and accounting makes such a phase premature. The organization warns that recognizing "early action" from a pilot could undermine future post-2020 climate regime negotiations and set a dangerous precedent for low-quality market units. It suggests that the FVA process should instead be used to define rigorous standards for real, permanent, and additional mitigation and to resolve double-counting issues, particularly those seen in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

The study analyzes the impact of partial CCS deployment in Europe by 2030, categorizing countries as pioneers or laggards based on their R&D projects and national roadmaps. Using a dispatch model, the authors find that the economic outcomes of pioneering are heterogeneous: while electricity suppliers in Poland, the UK, and the Netherlands may see increased producer surpluses, consumers in the UK could face higher wholesale prices due to the high cost of gas-fired CCS. Conversely, Romania is projected to experience lower wholesale prices and increased domestic production. The results suggest that being a pioneer does not automatically guarantee an advantage, as benefits are unevenly distributed between producers and consumers.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The document updates the 2011 subsidy estimates for EU biofuels, reducing the total estimated support from €9,272–€10,653 million to €5,515–€6,896 million. This correction stems from an overestimation of the volume of biofuels eligible for fuel excise tax exemptions. While budgetary support figures for bioethanol and biodiesel were lowered, other support elements, such as market transfers, remain unchanged. The report also details the calculation methodologies for excise tax exemptions and market price support via blending mandates.

The author contends that the current European crisis cannot be solved with less federalism, but rather through a renewed federalist pact that balances autonomy, cooperation, and solidarity. Using Belgium as a model, the text proposes the creation of federal districts for elections to foster a common vision and the implementation of a common industrial policy and the IRENE project to strengthen EU climate policy.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed to drive domestic emissions reductions due to a cap set against inflated projections and a flood of low-quality offsets. It finds that the system is now cancelling out approximately 700 million tonnes of abatement from other EU policies. The author recommends the permanent removal of 1.7 billion allowances from Phase 3 auctions to restore environmental integrity and increase Europe's 2020 climate target to 30% below 1990 levels.

The report develops a methodology to translate global planetary boundaries into national per capita and absolute targets. It finds that developed countries, including Sweden, frequently transgress these boundaries, particularly when consumption-based footprints are measured. The study also quantifies Sweden's 'legal competence deficit' regarding its national environmental objectives, noting that for climate impact, Sweden has no direct legal control over over 99% of the emissions threatening its goals. Finally, it analyzes the gap between planetary boundaries and international environmental agreements, concluding that while policy frameworks often exist, there is a significant implementation gap.

Carbon Market Watch argues that existing carbon markets have collapsed due to oversupply and poor quality, specifically citing the CDM and JI. The briefing recommends strengthening additionality criteria, shortening crediting periods, and establishing mandatory human rights and sustainability safeguards. For new mechanisms like the FVA and NMM, it advocates for a binding international governance structure and a common transaction tracking mechanism to prevent double counting of emission reductions.

The report evaluates the 'Doha Gateway' decisions from a human rights perspective, noting that while human rights are not explicitly mentioned in the Doha outcomes, they are referenced via the Cancun Agreements. The analysis covers mitigation ambition, loss and damage mechanisms, REDD+ safeguards, the Clean Development Mechanism's lack of appeals processes, public participation under Article 6, and the adoption of 'gender balance' over 'gender equality'.

The document discusses the outcome of the COP18 meeting in Doha concerning the approximately 13 billion tonnes of CO2-equivalent surplus assigned amount units (AAUs) from the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period (2008-2012). It identifies Russia, Ukraine, and Poland as the largest holders of these surpluses and notes that without restrictions, these units could allow countries to meet their second commitment period (2013-2020) targets without taking further action. The text outlines the various proposals from the African Group, AOSIS, Brazil, the G-77 and China, and Switzerland, as well as the internal EU compromise reached between countries seeking strict limits (Germany, UK, Denmark) and Poland.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The Warsaw Conference (COP 19) achieved several technical milestones but failed to secure ambitious new mitigation commitments or a clear financial roadmap. Key outcomes included the creation of the Warsaw International Mechanism for loss and damage and the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, alongside a draft for a universal agreement to be finalized in Paris. However, the event was marked by reduced mitigation goals from Japan and the removal of carbon taxes in Australia, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over the priority of funding versus emission cuts.

The document argues that the 2007-2013 CAP implementation in the Baltic Sea Region failed to significantly reduce environmental impacts due to poor targeting of measures, administrative hurdles, and a lack of stakeholder involvement. It suggests that post-2013 reforms should embrace the region's agricultural diversity and shift toward a model where environmental services are a core value of farming rather than a precondition for payments.

ClientEarth advocates for the European Investment Bank (EIB) to reinforce its support for energy efficiency and savings, suggesting that the bank develop innovative financing instruments and increase technical assistance to overcome market barriers such as high upfront costs. The organization argues that energy efficiency investments drive local job creation and economic growth, citing potential EU-wide gains of 2 million jobs and greenhouse gas emission reductions of 740 million tons annually. ClientEarth recommends upgrading the EIB's minimum energy efficiency criteria as project volume grows and explicitly calls for the exclusion of unabated coal and lignite plants from financing to avoid carbon lock-in.

The Green European Journal Volume 4 examines the intersection of social equality, economic stability, and environmental sustainability in Europe. It argues that rising inequalities are both a cause and consequence of the economic crisis and a driver of unsustainable consumption. The collection includes analyses of the 'precariat' in Poland, the humanitarian crisis in Greece, and the limitations of equality legislation in the UK. Several authors advocate for a shift toward supranational solidarity, suggesting a 'European welfare state' or a universal basic income to replace failing national models. The journal also debates the future of European federalism, calling for a more transparent, democratic 'European Republic' to recover political sovereignty from financial systems.

The authors from Group 22 argue that Croatia's small size is an advantage for piloting a transformative degrowth strategy. They contend that the last 20 years of capitalist development in Croatia have failed to improve societal wellbeing, as evidenced by stagnant Human Development Index (HDI) values, rising income inequality, and an increasing ecological footprint. The text asserts that simply utilizing renewable resources within existing 'cronyand clientelistic capitalism' would likely lead to corruption and market concentration. Instead, they propose a 'structured process of socially sustainable and equitable reduction' in material and energy use, supported by democratic deliberation and the redistribution of resources to maintain welfare while downsizing ecological impact.

EU Environment Ministers failed to reach a consensus in Luxembourg on addressing the 13 billion tonne surplus of emission reduction permits from the first Kyoto commitment period. CDM Watch argues that this failure, driven largely by Poland's insistence on the unrestricted use of its surplus, weakens the EU's position for the Doha climate negotiations and threatens the environmental integrity of a second commitment period. The document highlights that the surplus, often termed "hot air," does not represent real emission reductions, as countries like Poland, Russia, and Ukraine had emissions levels well below their targets at the time of the Kyoto Protocol's adoption.

The draft report outlines the initial administrative and operational steps taken by the Green Climate Fund (GCF) Board, including the election of Co-Chairs, the selection process for a host country, and the establishment of an Interim Secretariat. It details the role of the World Bank as Interim Trustee and provides a financial snapshot of the Fund's trust fund as of September 2012. The report also maps GCF's progress against specific guidance provided by the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the UNFCCC.