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The report identifies over 300 LNG projects in pre-construction and construction phases globally, with an estimated cost of US$797 billion. It highlights that the United States has become the world's leading LNG exporter in the first half of 2022 and hosts nearly half of all global export capacity under development. The document argues that this build-out contradicts international climate goals, risks creating stranded assets, and undermines U.S. national interests by increasing domestic energy prices and harming disadvantaged communities on the Gulf Coast. It further contends that 'clean' LNG proposals, such as carbon capture and storage (CCS) or hydrogen repurposing, are insufficient to address the full life cycle emissions of the fuel.

The report reveals that while designated project-specific funding for coal has declined, general corporate financing remains the primary driver of new coal infrastructure. It highlights a gap between the public net-zero commitments of many financial institutions and their actual lending practices, noting that many 'coal exclusion' policies contain loopholes that allow continued support for coal developers. The document provides data on the shrinking coal pipeline and identifies specific banks and asset managers that continue to provide loans, underwriting, or equity to companies building new coal plants and mines.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) critiques the SAREM draft for lacking definitions of 'decent work', failing to provide a robust framework for monitoring local content compliance, and ignoring the potential for a local recycling industry. The document argues that the current market-led approach risks a 'race to the bottom' on price, which undermines local manufacturing. To counter this, the IEJ recommends aggressive local content requirements (LCRs) of 50% for future public procurement, the use of import tariffs to protect nascent industry, and the provision of low-cost public debt to offset the higher costs of locally produced components. It further advocates for a Technology Transfer System (TTS) to build local technical capacity and the establishment of municipal-level recycling depots for solar PV modules to prevent environmental damage and create jobs.

The report examines how the rise of the Indo-Pacific strategic framework and intensifying competition between traditional powers (US, UK, France) and emerging powers (China, India) affect African maritime security and development. It highlights the critical importance of Indian Ocean trade routes, the proliferation of foreign military bases in the region, and the risk of African states being drawn into proxy wars. The author emphasizes that while great power competition is a long-term risk, immediate threats include piracy, illegal fishing, and climate change. The paper recommends that African states and the African Union develop a unified conception of their maritime interests and leverage multilateral organizations to protect their sovereignty and blue economy goals.

The 2022 Scorecard finds that while insurance for new coal power plants outside China has largely dried up, the industry is only beginning to shift away from oil and gas. Most of the 30 assessed insurers scored poorly on oil and gas policies (1.1/10) compared to coal (3.3/10). The report identifies Allianz as a leader in underwriting policies and SCOR as a leader in divestment, while naming Berkshire Hathaway, Everest Re, PICC, Sinosure, and Starr as laggards. It also criticizes the Net-Zero Insurance Alliance (NZIA) for failing to comply with UN Race to Zero requirements to phase out unabated fossil fuels.

The document outlines Africa's objectives for COP27, focusing on the African Group of Negotiators' (AGN) demands for increased climate finance and the recognition of the continent's special circumstances. It highlights a tension between the African Union's (AU) support for natural gas as a transition fuel and the goals of renewable energy activists. The brief also details the roles of specific 'climate champion' countries and the impact of global geopolitical tensions, such as the US-China standoff and the Russia-Ukraine war, on climate negotiations.

The document examines the 'digital geopolitics' affecting the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, contrasting the commercially-driven US model, the state-centric Chinese model, and the human-centric EU model. It warns that without strategic agency and home-grown innovation, Africa risks 'digital recolonisation' or the adoption of 'authoritarian tech'. The authors recommend that SADC and the African Union (AU) harmonise data sovereignty frameworks, strengthen rights-centred implementation, and increase influence in international standard-setting bodies like the ITU to ensure digital transformation aligns with African contextual needs.

The report examines the intersection of air pollution and labor markets in East and Southeast Asia, highlighting a significant gap in research and policy regarding informal workers. It finds that while formal sectors are regulated, informal workers—including street vendors and agricultural laborers—face high exposure with minimal social protection. Health burdens are highest in China and Mongolia for ambient pollution, and in Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Myanmar for household pollution. The report argues that current solutions are overly technocentric and fail to address the social inequalities and structural vulnerabilities that determine exposure levels.

The document argues that nature-based solutions (NbS) often fail to achieve their potential because planning ignores the complexities of scale. It highlights that NbS have longer time-lags than grey infrastructure, spatial dependencies that transcend individual sites, and jurisdictional barriers that complicate governance. The authors recommend a shift toward quantitative targets, 'no regrets' strategies, and cross-jurisdictional coordination to avoid large-scale maladaptation.

The report assesses Sweden's vulnerability to climate risks originating in other countries through its open economy and global trade links. Using three types of trade data—national toll logs, input-output tables, and resource footprints—the study finds that while direct trade partners (e.g., Germany and Nordic countries) are relatively resilient, deeper supply chain tiers reveal significant dependencies on climate-vulnerable emerging economies in Asia and Africa. A detailed case study on Brazilian soy demonstrates that while production risks in key sourcing areas like Mato Grosso are currently low, transport risks—specifically landslides and flash floods on long roads to ports—pose a higher threat. The authors argue that traditional risk management strategies like substitution are limited by the systemic nature of climate change and the 'stickiness' of trade relationships, recommending that Sweden integrate transboundary risk into its National Adaptation Strategy and lead global multilateral efforts for systemic resilience.

The report examines the expansion of maritime activity in the Arctic, specifically the Northern Sea Route (NSR) and the Bering Strait, driven by climate change and Russia's strategy to monetize hydrocarbon reserves. It highlights a doubling of vessel transits in the Bering Strait since 2009 and warns of severe risks including oil spills, noise pollution, and disruptions to Indigenous subsistence activities. Despite geopolitical sanctions, the document argues that Russia's long-term commitment to Arctic infrastructure and the growing interest of 'near-Arctic' states like China will likely sustain the increase in traffic, necessitating urgent international cooperation and stricter shipping regulations to protect the fragile ecosystem.

The Ivory Initiative (2018-2022) focused on closing legal ivory markets in Asia and reducing demand among Chinese consumers through policy engagement and behavioral science. The initiative achieved significant reductions in ivory availability in China, with physical outlets dropping by 86% and online adverts by 86% by 2021. It successfully advocated for bans in Mainland China, Hong Kong SAR, Taiwan PoC, and Singapore, while strengthening laws in Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam. Demand reduction efforts, including the #TravelIvoryFree campaign, saw the proportion of Chinese consumers intending to buy ivory fall by nearly half between 2017 and 2021. The report concludes that these efforts contributed to a decline in African elephant poaching, with the Proportion of Illegally Killed Elephants (PIKE) in 2021 reaching its lowest level since 2003.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) and its subsidiaries underwent independent audits for the fiscal years 2021 and 2022. The auditors issued unmodified opinions on the consolidated financial statements, stating they present fairly the financial position of the Institute. For the year ended September 30, 2022, total assets were $384,549,025 and total liabilities were $21,572,887. The Institute's operations are supported by grants and contracts, with significant funding from foundations (48% of receivables) and foreign governments (29% of receivables). A separate compliance audit for the major federal program (USAID Foreign Assistance for Programs Overseas) also resulted in an unmodified opinion, though some significant deficiencies in internal control were noted that were not considered material weaknesses.

The cement industry is China's third largest emitter, accounting for 13 percent of total carbon emissions. While current efforts focus on equipment and energy efficiency, achieving net-zero emissions requires a multifaceted approach including reduced consumption, low-carbon cement varieties, fuel substitution, and carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS). The transition also necessitates institutional support through carbon pricing and a systematic approach integrating the entire value chain, including fuel, concrete, and construction.

The document describes CCS as an integrated infrastructure for capturing, transporting, and storing CO2. It notes a history of failure, with only 10% of projects between 1995 and 2018 being completed, but highlights a recent surge in investment and project pipelines, particularly in North America and Europe. The author argues that CCS is currently only truly essential for the cement sector, as renewables outperform it in power generation and green hydrogen is expected to undercut blue hydrogen by 2030. It warns against carbon capture and utilisation (CCU) and enhanced oil recovery (EOR) due to high energy requirements and the risk of increasing net emissions.

A coalition of civil society organizations calls on the European Commission and the UK Government to align 2023 fisheries negotiations in the Northeast Atlantic with scientific advice. The letter argues that current catch limits often exceed sustainable levels, undermining biodiversity and climate resilience. The signatories demand the implementation of 'climate buffers' for vulnerable species, an ecosystem-based approach to management, and increased transparency in decision-making to prevent long-term socio-economic losses.

The document analyzes 142 NDCs, finding that while 100 mention public transport, only 26 set specific targets. It argues that public transport is essential for limiting global warming to 1.5C by reducing private vehicle use and electrifying bus fleets. The authors identify five key implementation areas: funding for infrastructure and operations, 100% transition to electric buses, adaptation and resilience measures, broader sustainable urban transport planning, and cross-sectoral coordination.

The author proposes that China can leverage its role as a major investor and creditor in Latin America to support climate action. Key suggestions include adopting a crediting mechanism for clean energy projects similar to Japan's JCM, implementing debt-for-climate swaps (specifically citing Ecuador's potential), and negotiating free trade agreements that prioritize environmental services and green goods.

The author argues that while technology sanctions—including stringent U.S. export controls and the exit of private firms—have significantly reduced the flow of critical components to Russia, they are not yet sufficient to halt the Russian war machine in the short term. The analysis highlights the critical role of semiconductors and the failure of Russia's attempts to achieve technological sovereignty or pivot entirely to Chinese suppliers.

The paper examines how the Russia-Ukraine conflict challenges the BRICS bloc's stated principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. It analyzes the divergent voting patterns of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa at the United Nations, noting that the group lacks a common stance on the conflict. While the bloc advocates for a more equitable international order and criticizes Western double standards, the author argues that Russia's invasion of Ukraine risks compromising the bloc's credibility and creating a precedent where powerful states ignore international principles.