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The document assesses Ghana's progress in renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE), highlighting a government target of 10% RE in the energy mix by 2020. It identifies significant barriers, including the lack of a comprehensive legal framework, high upfront capital costs, and a pricing system that ignores environmental externalities. The author argues that international cooperation—through capacity building, credit support facilities, and the Clean Development Mechanism—is essential to accelerate the transition to a low-carbon economy and improve rural electrification.

The document examines the failure of the private sector to drive economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa, attributing this to the political dominance of elites who extract surplus from producers. It contrasts the vulnerability of African peasants and foreign firms with the relatively stronger private sector in South Africa. The author proposes a new form of democracy that empowers producers through land ownership and independent financial institutions to foster a genuine capitalist market economy.

The report argues that while ICT innovation is a primary driver of global economic growth and productivity, it creates significant sustainability challenges through rapid hardware obsolescence, increasing energy demands of data centres, and a global e-waste crisis. It proposes viewing the sector as a 'Global Connectivity System' that includes not only manufacturers but also standards bodies, civil society, and end-users. The document highlights the tension between the Internet's origins as an open, participatory tool for social organization and emerging trends toward corporate control, government surveillance, and restrictive intellectual property rights.

The document examines the relationship between think-tanks and government funding, specifically focusing on the Nigerian context from military rule through the transition to civilian governance. It argues that while government funding can create pressure to moderate criticism, independence is not solely determined by the source of funds but by several intervening variables, including the institution's professional track record and the technical nature of its work. The author also critiques the dynamics of international donor funding, noting that it can sometimes impose external agendas or marginalize local capacity.

The paper examines the relationship between funding sources and the independence of think tanks, specifically in Nigeria. It argues that while government funding is often seen as a constraint on objectivity, the actual impact depends on several intermediate variables such as the institution's professional quality and the technical nature of its work.

The document examines the methodological requirements for conducting representative public opinion surveys to support the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that while participatory consultations are useful for public ownership, they often produce biased results. Instead, the author advocates for random probability sampling, noting that relatively small samples (e.g., 1,200 respondents) can provide accurate national estimates. The paper outlines essential prerequisites—such as recent census data and freedom of travel—and warns against the common error of polling only heads of households, which biases results toward older, employed males. It also provides a practical timeline and cost estimate for implementing such surveys in Africa.

The document examines the historical patterns of US and Soviet influence in Africa and contrasts them with a potential modern 'new' Cold War based on the divide between liberal democracies and authoritarian states. It argues that while a multi-polar world could increase the bargaining power of African governments, these states should maintain neutrality to avoid diminishing their economic opportunities by falling into a single sphere of influence.

The research finds that the location of natural resources relative to the conflict zone is critical to determining conflict severity. Gemstone mining and hydrocarbon production within a conflict zone are strongly associated with higher total combat deaths, with secessionist conflicts in hydrocarbon-rich regions being the most severe. Conversely, drug cultivation in the conflict zone and hydrocarbon production located outside the conflict zone are associated with lower combat deaths and reduced conflict intensity. The study concludes that resources influence severity by altering the incentives and organizational structures of both rebel groups and the state.

The Pan-African Parliament (PAP), inaugurated in 2004, currently operates as a consultative and advisory body without legislative, supervisory, or budgetary powers. The document argues that the PAP's institutional weakness stems from the decision by African leaders in 1999 to accelerate its establishment, bypassing the gradual six-stage integration process outlined in the 1991 Abuja Treaty. This premature launch left the PAP without necessary foundations, resulting in a 'disconnection between reality and the expectation' of its contribution to the African Union (AU). Key challenges include poor interaction with other AU organs, a lack of control over its own budget, and a membership system based on nomination from national legislatures rather than direct election by citizens. While the PAP has conducted observer missions to regions such as Darfur, Mauritania, the DRC, and the Central African Republic, many of its resolutions are ignored by the AU executive. The author suggests that the PAP must exploit existing protocol provisions to enhance its visibility and engagement with AU organs to become a relevant institution.

The report examines the Niger Delta crisis, arguing that the transition from a regional to a federal control of oil revenue after 1956, combined with environmental degradation by oil multinationals and state failure in governance, led to systemic instability. It identifies a 30% loss in daily oil production due to militant attacks and recommends environmental assessments, community compensation, and inclusive dialogue to achieve peace.

The document examines power-sharing in Burundi, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone, concluding that while such arrangements are effective for establishing peace and preventing escalation, they provide less clear support for improving long-term good governance.

The paper examines the requirements for effective anti-corruption systems, particularly in new democracies and developing countries. It argues against relying solely on a single anti-corruption agency, suggesting instead a matrix of legal and oversight institutions. The author emphasizes that political will and ethical leadership are the most difficult but essential components for success. The text highlights the role of data in targeting resources and the importance of a partnership approach, citing South Africa's National Anti-Corruption Forum as an example, while cautioning that such partnerships must not undermine the ability of civil society to hold the government accountable.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The paper examines the requirements for sustainable anti-corruption reforms, emphasizing that single-agency approaches are often insufficient. It advocates for a matrix of legal and supervisory institutions, the use of objective institutional audits like the Global Integrity Index, and the necessity of political will to prevent the weaponization of anti-corruption efforts against political opponents. The author highlights the role of civil society and independent media in maintaining accountability and provides examples of both successful and failed initiatives in South Africa, Kenya, and Nigeria.

The author contends that Africa Day 2008 must move beyond diplomatic celebrations to address systemic governance issues, citing the failure of governments to act on warnings from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the persistence of long-term dictatorships. The text highlights specific regional instabilities, including post-electoral violence in Kenya and xenophobia in South Africa, while questioning the accountability of the APRM administration and the ability of current leadership to protect the continent from poverty, war, and climate change.

The report identifies a critical gap between the investment needed for clean energy in developing countries and current funding levels, arguing that the private sector must be the primary driver. It details domestic barriers such as political instability, lack of clear energy policies, and financial system deficiencies, while proposing incentives like feed-in tariffs and microfinance. Additionally, it examines how International Investment Agreements (IIAs), including the Energy Charter Treaty and the ECOWAS Energy Protocol, can either facilitate or restrict a state's regulatory space to implement climate-related policies due to protections against indirect expropriation and requirements for fair and equitable treatment.

The report argues that while public funds like the $10 billion Clean Technology Fund are necessary, they are insufficient compared to the $22 trillion needed for energy investment by 2030. It identifies domestic policy barriers—such as lack of clear energy signals, monopoly structures, and subsidies for conventional energy—as primary obstacles that make developing countries unattractive to investors. Internationally, the document notes that the 'spaghetti bowl' of international investment agreements (IIAs) may chill climate regulations through risks of indirect expropriation claims and 'fair and equitable treatment' obligations. It recommends national diagnostic studies to identify specific barriers and suggests that improving domestic investment environments is a critical, yet overlooked, mechanism for facilitating technology transfer.

The workshop examined how elections in Africa often serve as sources of conflict due to poor management, weak institutional frameworks, and the manipulation of state power by ruling parties. Participants discussed the role of regional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC, the limitations of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and the specific failures of Zimbabwe's 2008 elections. The event concluded with recommendations for strengthening the African Union's role in election observation and the need for national constitutional reforms aligned with continental frameworks.

The report identifies eight critical success factors and fourteen performance indicators for start-up social and environmental enterprises in developing countries. These tools are designed to help entrepreneurs and investors assess the likelihood of success and monitor progress across a 'triple bottom line' of economic, social, and environmental goals. The findings are based on a literature review and empirical research with ten SEED-supported enterprises.

The Handbook for African Civil Society outlines the operational framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a tool for intra-African governance review. It details the five stages of the review process—from self-assessment to official publication—and the continental and national structures that manage it. The guide emphasizes that CSOs must take proactive leadership 'upstream' rather than waiting for government invitations to ensure their interests are represented in National Governance Commissions and National Programmes of Action. It identifies four key review areas: democracy and political governance, economic governance, corporate governance, and socio-economic development. The document also analyzes barriers to CSO engagement, such as fear of governments, lack of resources, and internal disorganization, while offering strategies to influence power centers including the APRM Panel, the Continental Secretariat, and national parliaments.