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Former President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah details Sierra Leone's transition from a failed state characterized by a brutal civil war (1991–2002) to a functioning democracy. He attributes the conflict to bad governance, corruption, and the influence of the Liberian conflict, while highlighting the role of international interventions (ECOMOG, UN, UK, US) and internal reforms in restoring peace. The report emphasizes the importance of constitutional adherence, security sector reform, and the fight against corruption in sustaining stability.

The Green Economy Coalition supports the UN's Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) initiative but argues it requires more ambition and a specific focus on energy equity. The authors contend that universal energy access is a prerequisite for achieving Millennium Development Goals, particularly in health and education. They advocate for a strategy that prioritises the poorest, measures success through development outcomes rather than infrastructure metrics, and promotes community-led stewardship of local resources. While acknowledging the role of the private sector, the document emphasizes that reaching the most impoverished will require significant public sector and NGO involvement, as 'base of the pyramid' business models often overlook the absolute poorest.

Australia and New Zealand are increasing their diplomatic and economic engagement with the African Union and African nations. Australia is leveraging its experience in mining, agriculture, and forestry, while New Zealand focuses on agriculture and peace operations. Both nations are seeking support from African states for non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, with Australia campaigning for the 2013-14 term and New Zealand for the 2015-16 term.

The document argues that road traffic accidents are a critical development issue in Africa, with fatalities forecast to rise as motorisation increases without corresponding infrastructure improvements. By comparing a 'base case' forecast with an 'improved scenario' where death rates are stabilised at the current continental average of 32 per 100,000 people, the authors estimate that Africa could prevent 4.2 million deaths and add US$ 234 billion to its GDP by 2050. The brief highlights that the economic gains, primarily driven by a larger labour force, would far outweigh the estimated costs of intervention, which range from US$ 1.7 billion to US$ 24 billion.

The report argues that social media can drive political engagement in Africa, citing examples from the Arab Spring and elections in Nigeria and Zambia. However, it highlights significant obstacles, including low internet penetration, high costs, and active government censorship or surveillance in countries like Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Cameroon.

The report argues that a universally applied market-based instrument (MBI), specifically a cap-and-trade scheme, is the most effective and politically feasible way to address emissions from international transport. To comply with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR), the report proposes a governance structure where revenues or allowances are selectively disbursed to ensure no net incidence on developing countries. The remaining value would be transferred to the Green Climate Fund and used for fuel-efficiency improvements. The author concludes that an emissions trading system (ETS) is superior to levy-based systems because it avoids being classified as an international tax and does not require the direct funding of an international organisation or the hypothecation of national fiscal revenues.

The document critiques the application of carbon trading in Africa, asserting that the continent remains marginal to the global market. It highlights how the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) creates perverse incentives, such as rewarding illegal gas flaring in Nigeria or subsidising fossil fuel dependence, while providing minimal financial benefit to local communities. The author argues that carbon offsets act as an 'avoided responsibility mechanism' for the global North and recommends shifting toward more just forms of climate finance.

The document analyzes the differing strategies of China and India in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). China employs a state-led approach, utilizing loans from the Export-Import Bank to secure mining assets and fund infrastructure in exchange for resources. India's engagement is characterized as more market-driven, with private companies operating in mining and telecommunications, though the Indian government provides some credit lines for power projects. While both are drivers of growth, the paper notes concerns regarding transparency, labor conditions, and environmental pollution associated with smaller firms from both nations.

South Africa has long served as a primary entry point for international companies into Africa due to its sophisticated economy, financial hubs, and infrastructure. However, the document argues that its status is being challenged by the rise of regional gateways, increasing competition from other African ports and airlines, and internal issues including labour unrest, high port costs, and power price hikes.

The document examines the African Union's inability to act decisively during crises, such as in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, attributing this to limited decision-making powers and divergent interests among its 54 member states. It analyzes South Africa's bid for the AU Commission chair as a signal of its intent to be more assertive in African geopolitics, while noting that its size and dominance can trigger fears of hegemony among other member states. The author suggests that South Africa should 'lead from behind' by building alliances with other states to professionalize the AU rather than seeking formal leadership positions.

The document examines how National Agriculture and Food Security Investment Plans (NAFSIPs) in 14 African countries can be leveraged for climate-smart agriculture. Using a rapid screening methodology, the study finds that approximately 60% of planned activities in these plans address slow-onset climate change, while 18% address extreme events and 19% focus on mitigation. The paper concludes that all reviewed NAFSIPs have potential for both extreme event adaptation and climate mitigation, and recommends further analysis of cost-effectiveness, financing sources, and the integration of innovative climate financing mechanisms to transform these plans into climate-smart interventions.

The document reports on a side event at the 17th Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC in Durban, where delegates and experts discussed the economic and environmental benefits of phasing out fossil fuel subsidies. It highlights the disparity between the US$100 billion Green Climate Fund and the US$400–600 billion in annual global fossil fuel subsidies. The report details the activities of the 'Friends of Fossil Fuel Subsidy Reform' group, the challenges of political economy in implementing reforms, and proposals to integrate subsidy reform into Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) and the Rio+20 conference.

The document details a 2011 conference on India-Africa relations, highlighting the shift toward South-South co-operation and the potential for shared economic growth. It examines the role of the private sector, specifically the success of Indian firms in South Africa compared to Chinese firms, and discusses strategic cooperation in energy, pharmaceuticals, and security. The report also addresses global governance reforms, including the push for permanent seats on the UN Security Council for India and African nations, and the economic nature of climate change negotiations.

The document argues that Hong Kong serves as a critical hub for South African entry into China due to its free-market economy, legal framework, and logistics infrastructure. It examines the broader China-South Africa strategic partnership, noting that while trade has grown significantly, South Africa struggles with a trade imbalance and a lack of mineral beneficiation. The author suggests that while Hong Kong will remain a key gateway for at least ten years, South Africa should expand its diplomatic presence in other Chinese cities to maintain competitiveness as new regional hubs emerge.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.

The 18th AU Summit focused on electing the rotating AU Chair and AU Commission leadership, approving the 2012 budget, and inaugurating a new headquarters building funded by China. The document highlights significant managerial failures within the AU Commission, including a 48% vacancy rate for staff posts and low budget utilization in certain departments.

The document analyzes South Africa's efforts to attract sustainable local and foreign investment through a combination of industrial policies, such as the New Growth Path (NGP), and a diverse catalogue of financial and fiscal incentives. It highlights a significant decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) between 2008 and 2010, attributed largely to high labor costs, and examines the 'Gateway into Africa' initiative designed to make South Africa a regional investment hub. The paper details various dti-managed incentives targeting SMMEs, industrial development, and specific sectors like automotive and film, while noting that many investors remain unaware of these schemes or find the application process cumbersome.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) maintains membership in four Regional Economic Communities (RECs)—COMESA, SADC, ECCAS, and CEPGL—but plays a negligible role in all of them. Despite data showing the DRC is more economically integrated with southern and eastern Africa (SADC and COMESA), the government has shown a preference for integration within the central African region (ECCAS-CEMAC). This contradiction is attributed to political drivers, such as regime survival and external pressure from the EU and Belgium, rather than economic logic. The DRC's integration is further hampered by overlapping memberships, political instability, a lack of industrial diversification, and poor internal transport infrastructure that leaves its provinces more integrated with neighbors than with the national economy.

The document analyzes French relations with sub-Saharan Africa under President Nicolas Sarkozy, highlighting a pattern of oscillation between a public discourse of renewal and the practical maintenance of ties with authoritarian leaders. It details reforms in military presence, such as the closure of the Dakar base and the renegotiation of defense agreements, while noting continued interventions in Côte d’Ivoire and Chad. Commercially, France remains dominant in Francophone Africa through the CFA Franc zone and strategic interests in oil and uranium, though it is increasingly competing with new powers like China. The author argues that a lack of transparency continues to fuel conspiracy theories and negative perceptions of French influence across the continent.

The document is a compilation of research abstracts covering a wide array of climate-related topics. Key themes include the equity of burden-sharing in climate finance, the operationalization of REDD+ and MRV systems, the integration of adaptation into development planning (mainstreaming), and the transition to low-carbon energy systems. It examines specific case studies in regions such as Bangladesh, Mozambique, Nepal, and the Congo Basin, while analyzing global policy mechanisms like the UNFCCC, the Copenhagen Accord, and the Cancun Agreements.